Architects of Terror: A Comparison of Hitler and Stalin

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

When comparing Hitler and Stalin, we uncover significant similarities and differences in their ideologies and methods of governance. Both leaders were responsible for the establishment of totalitarian regimes that prioritized state control over individual freedoms, employing propaganda and repression to maintain power.

There were a number of similarities and differences between them. Both were ruthless dictators, and both exterminated people without remorse. Both we antisemites.

Hitler and Stalin had tormented childhoods and were especially rejected by their fathers, endured paternal abuse, and, in the later part of their lives, had unresolved mental conflicts towards their fathers. These psychological features later navigated their character and behavior.

Hitler loved his mother, whereas Stalin hated his mother and often insulted her. When Hitler's mother died, he became emotionally devastated. When Stalin's mother died, his emotional reaction was insignificant, and he never bothered to attend her funeral.

Both Hitler and Stalin were mediocrities, not bright students. However, Hitler had some artistic creative ability, and Stalin had none. Stalin studied in a seminary, but due to revolutionary activities, he was expelled from the religious institution. Hence, he could not obtain a formal education.

Hitler served in the military and participated in World War I, and was exposed to combat stress. Stalin was arrested by the Tsar's secret police and was sent to Siberia; however, the Tsar's government used his opponents to send to the Eastern war front. Stalin had a limb deformity and was not suitable for military service.

When Hitler engaged in active combat, Stalin joined with the Bolsheviks and committed highway robberies and collected funds for the political organization. Stalin had no higher education and had no profound knowledge of Marxism, but he was a pragmatic man. He was a schemer and a manipulator.

Hitler was exposed to artillery fire and gas attacks and suffered from battle stress and combat-related dissociative reactions. Stalin saw no war theatre but engaged in gruesome acts in Georgia.

Hitler was a convincing orator and had oratory skills. But Stalin had no oratory skills, and he spoke Russian with a Georgian accent. His words could not convince the masses. Hitler ignited racial hatred, and Stalin fueled class envy. 

Stalin never had close human relationships; he was once close to his first wife, Kato, and when she died, his human side ceased to exist, and he became emotionally numbed. His second wife, Nadia, became disappointed in Stalin's political and personal actions and shot herself. During his life, Stalin had no close, affectionate people. Although he fathered three children, his favourite child, Svetlana, later denounced him. His two sons, Yakov, became a POW and died in a German war camp, and Vasily became an alcoholic and died prematurely.

Stalin never trusted anyone and was never close to anybody. He lived an isolated life. Stalin systematically purged his close associates and comrades who once stood by him. When he died, there was no one near him. Throughout his life, he struggled with invisible enemies and paranoia.

Hitler was close to his niece Geli, but the relationship was complicated. He emotionally abused her, and then she committed suicide. Hitler's connection with Eva Braun was largely superficial, serving more as a public facade than a genuine personal bond. They were not an intimate couple. Some experts believe that Hitler was a closet homosexual. (Stalin had numerous extramarital affairs, some of which involved significantly younger women). However, unlike Stalin, there were people such as Eva Braun, Josef Goebbels and his wife, Magda, who were ready to commit suicide along with him, demonstrating their loyalty.

Hitler became more professional with his military generals, whereas Stalin was harsh on them. Before WW2, Stalin eliminated nearly 45,000 higher-ranking Red Army officers, causing fear and confusion among them. Hitler, who was a corporal, had an inferiority complex while dealing with high-ranking German generals. Some German generals disregarded Hitler's orders, and some plotted to assassinate him. But the Russian military officers always feared great Stalin. 

The central inquiry we must address is the contrasting fates of Hitler and Stalin: why did Hitler ultimately fail while Stalin emerged victorious? This raises the question of whether Stalin was able to outmaneuver Hitler strategically. 

In my opinion, there are several possible reasons for Stalin's victory. Stalin controlled the Red Army with an iron fist; those who retreated were killed by the NKVD, and those who failed to fulfill military objectives were sent to penal battalions (Shtrafbats). Stalin allowed General Georgy Zhukov and others to do the master military planning. He hardly interrupted their plans but gave deadlines.

Hitler constantly interrupted his generals and overruled some key military attacks that led to immense debacles. Moreover, Hitler was treated with amphetamine by his doctor, Dr. Theodor Morell, and after some stage, Hitler became delusional. When the Red Army surrounded Berlin, he was ordering nonexistent divisions to attack the Red Army forces. But there was no formidable force to protect Berlin, only Hitler youths and a bunch of child soldiers like Peter Kanz were there.

Hitler's strategic miscalculations during the war, such as his invasion of the Soviet Union and the air campaign against England, significantly contributed to the United States' decision to enter the conflict and establish a second front. A multitude of factors played a role in both Hitler's downfall and Stalin's eventual triumph, indicating that no single element can be pinpointed as the decisive cause.

පිස්ටන් ජාතකය

පිස්ටන් චීවරධාරියාගේ කතාව අහන කොට හාස්‍ය දුක සහ විශ්මය එකවරම ගලාගෙන එනවා. හාස්‍ය : රසල් පීටර්ස් , ට්‍රෙවර් නෝවා වගේ ස්ටෑන්ඬ් අප් කොමීඩියන්ලටත් හිනා ගස්සන්න බැරි චරිත සති ගනන් සිනහවෙන් මුසපත් කිරීම , දුක මේවගේ මෝල් වහන්සේලාගේන් ආධ්‍යාත්මික උපදේශ අහන මෝලුන් පිරිසක් ලංකාවේ ඉන්න බව දැන ගැනීම , විශ්මය නොක්ස් ගේ පොතපත , ඉතිහාසය නොදත් මේ වගේ ජෝකර්ලා විශ්ව විද්‍යාල මහාචාර්‍යලා ලෙස පත් කිරීම​. 

පිස්ටන් කතාව අමතක කරමු. නොක්ස් සහ විදෙස් ලේඛකයන් ගේ පොත් සහ ලේඛන -ඉතිහාසය පරිශීලනය කරන කොට පෙනී යනවා එප්ස්ටීන්ට ටියුෂන් දුන්නේ අපේ යක්ඛ පුත්තුද කියලා. ලාබාල යුවතියන් සමග රුකුලේ පැදීම , ගෙදරට එන එකාට බුලත් හිරය කියලා ගෑණි / දියණිය දීම /  කට්ටඞියෙක් අපල තියනවා කියූ පමණින් බිළිඳුන් මරා (බහිරව කන්දේ ?) වැලලීම ආදිය වගේම සෙල්ලම් නිරිඳු මාලිගාවේ තියාගෙන හිටිය කොල්ලෝ සෙට් එක ගැනත් ඉතිහාසය කියා දෙනවා. පිස්ටන් උන්නාන්න්සේ මේ ඉතිහාසය නොදැන මහාචාර්‍ය කෙනෙක් උනා නම් අදාල විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ රෑංකිං එක චෙක් කල යුතුයි. කෙසේ නමුත්  ළමා ප්‍රෙග්නන්සීස් ඉහල ගිහින් තියන දේශයක  , ලාබාල පැවිද්දෝ සෙක්‍ෂුවලි ඇබ්‍යූස් වෙන රටක ලිංගික අධ්‍යාපනය  දෙන්න එපා කියන එවුන් සෙක්ස් ඔෆෙන්ඩර්ස්ලාද කියා චෙක් කල යුතුයි. 

මම තවත් කතාවක් කියන්නම් අපේ සංකෘතිය සහ රුසියානු සංස්කෘතියේ නෑනා මස්සිනා කේස් එක ගැන ; .....................මම ඔලෙග් සහ ඔලෙග් ගේ පියාගේ නැගෙනියගේ දියණිය වූ අක්සානා සමග කැෆේ දෘෂ්බා හි කෝපි පානය කරමින් සිටියෙමි. ඔලෙග් සහ සහ අක්සානා වයස විසි ගනන් වල විශ්ව විද්‍යාල අධ්‍යාපනය නිම කරමින් සිටි දෙදෙනෙකි. අප සමග තවත් රුසියානු මිතුරු මිතුරියන් කීප දෙනෙකු වූහ. ඔවුන් ඔලෙග් විශ්ව විද්‍යාල අධ්‍යාපනය නිම කිරීමත් සමගම විවහා යුතු බව  කීවෝය. ලංකාවේ ඇවැස්ස නෑනා මස්සිනා විවාහ වීම ස්වභාවික නිසා මම ඔලෙග් අක්සානා සමග විවහාවීම සුදුසු බව නිකමට මෙන් කීවෙමි. එවිට ඔවුන් ටැබූ දෙයක් කීවාක් මෙන් මදෙස බැලූහ. පසුව මට තේරුම් ගියේ ඇවැස්ස නෑනා මස්සිනා විවාහ වීම එක පවුලේ අයියා නංගී විවහා වීම මෙන් රුසියානු සමාජය ඉතා පිලිකුලින් හෙලා දකින බවයි. .............

පහත දැක්වෙන්නේ අතීත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ලිංගිකත්වය පිලිබඳ තිබූ ලිබරල් අදහස් පිලිබඳ කියවෙන ලිපියක් . පුරාණ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ  ලිංගිකත්වය පුද්ගලික අයිතියක් ලෙස සලකා තිබුනා. එසේම සමකාමීන් කෙරෙහි අගතියෙන් බැලීමක් තිබුනේ නෑ. කස්සප රජුගේ අන් තංපුරයේ පර්සියානු රූමතියන් හිටියා. කුමාරදාස රජු දවසේ ගනිකා වෘත්තිය ලීගලයිස් කරලා තිබුනේ. 

පහත තිබෙන්නේ මා විසින් ලියූ ලිපිය 

Sexual Attitudes and Practices in Ancient Sri Lanka

  

 

 Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. PhD 

Sex is a basic human need, common to all people at all times (Shokeir &, Hussein, 2004) and exclusively a biological function, defined based on that individual’s individuality and socio-cultural background (Kumarasinghe et al., 2022).

 

Ancient Sri Lankans had varied sexual lives. The ancient folklore and texts unveil the traditions of sexual behaviors among the ancient Sri Lankans. In ancient Sri Lanka, sexual desire was considered a vivacious force, and sexuality was redefined as a personal right. These conditions existed until the colonization of indigenous sexualities.

 

Culture is a drastic factor that affects the sexual lives of people. The ancient sexual behaviors and practices were affected by sociocultural, psychological and, biological factors. Ancient Sri Lanka was a male-centered society. In this society, sex was not considered sinful. Virginity was not viewed as a virtue; there were no practices of veneration of the Virgin.

 

According to Singh (1999) Sexual perversions are often a product of civilized life and most societies permit some degree of deviant sexual behavior as a relief from stress of routine life.  Sri Lankan culture has its own folklore and myths, and some describe incest, which in today’s world is considered taboo. Incest is sexual intercourse between family members and close relatives. The mythological Story of Sinhabahu describes the origins of the 'Sinhala' race testifies to the existence of incest. According to the Sinhabahu legend, the prince Sinhabahu married his own sister Sinha Seewali committing incest. Sontakke (2017) indicates that during prehistoric times, it appears that there was no such restriction on mating in close blood relations.

                               

Buddhism was first brought to Sri Lanka during Mauryan Emperor Ashoka's period (Sangharakshita, 1975) highlights that Buddhism had no direct concern with the collective life of man on the social and political level. The ancient Sri Lankans lived according to strict hierarchical social organization and kings had unquestionable power. Many kings enjoyed extremely active sex lives. They had harems and used to engage in various sexual activities. The Mahavamsa, the ancient chronicle of Sri Lankan history, describes elegant and extravagant harems owned by powerful kings in ancient Sri Lanka. The kings had the practice of marrying multiple spouses. Polygamy was a vital political aspect of the king. They used servants who had been castrated to work in harems.

 

There was no rigid gender system in society. The ancient Sri Lankans never had a binary gender system, and there was room for a third gender. The third gender in ancient Sri Lanka were known as “pandaka. The people had compassionate attitudes toward the third gender. Although they were identified as seductive, pandakas were inclusive of society. Notably, there was no persecution against them. The third gender has been traditionally perceived and accepted.

 

Tantric influence on Sri Lankan Buddhism was significant, and Tantric attributes can be seen in ancient Sri Lanka. Many centuries before Sigmund Freud, Richard Freiherr von Kraft-Ebing, Albert Moll or D.H. Laurence, the Tantric Buddhist monks discussed the wider aspects of human sexuality. Tantric practice emphasizes the importance of sexual intimacy and spirituality. The practice intertwines spirituality, sexuality, and a state of mindfulness.

 

The ancient Sri Lankan women of nobility enjoyed certain individual liberties and sexual freedom. Anula (aka Anuladevi) was the first known queen regnant in Sri Lankan history. The queen Anuladevi of Sri Lanka reigned from 47 BC –to 42 BC had an uncontrollable and excessive desire for sex. She became famous for her promiscuous behavior and had an infamous reputation as a nymphomaniac.

 

King Kashyapa who ruled the country from 473 AD to 495 AD had his harem in Sigiriya citadel and had Persian beauties as lesser wives. Some of these pretty Persian women were depicted on the Sigiriya Frescoes.

 

There is evidence that social prostitution existed during ancient times. King Kumaradasa (6th century A.D.)  was highly influenced by the Indian poet Kalidasa and the king invited Kalidasa to live in his royal palace. During his stay the poet Kalidasa was poisoned by a prostitute and his death devastated the king and eventually, the king committed suicide over the poet’s death.

 

Some kings and noblemen in ancient Sri Lanka enjoy orgies. They practiced unrestrained sexual activity. A stone carving at the Nalanda Gedige, believed to have been built between the 8th and 10th centuries, depicts erotic allure and sexually explicit sculpture on orgies.

 

Robert Knox who lived as a prisoner for 20 years reported existing abortions and infanticides in the Kandyan Kingdom. He further describes polyandrous union in Kandyan society. Furthermore, he describes customs of hospitality that involved offering guests food, shelter, with one's own wife or daughter. This tradition was known as Bulath Hiraya. During this period, genetic disorders were emerging due to inbreeding, and this practice was intended to accumulate new genes in the common genetic pool. 

 

Rukule Padima (intercrural sex, which is also known as coitus interfemoris) was another mode of sexual behavior that was practiced by some aristocrats. They used underage girls for their sexual gratification. Even Pederasty (sexual relationship between an adult man and a pubescent boy) was a common practice among the noblemen. There was no taboo nature, and these practices were accepted in high society. However, there are no historical documents to prove that female pederasty existed in ancient Sri Lanka.

 

The institution of marriage occupied a unique place and the marriage of cross cousins was an accepted form, and it never fell under incest taboos. However, caste equality was strongly taken into consideration.

 

Homosexuality was not considered as a deviant behavior in ancient Sri Lanka. There were no legal restrictions on homosexuality.  Some kings enjoyed homosexual unions. The King Sri Vira Parakrama Narendra Singha (1707–1739 AD) was fond of being with young boys with embodiment of feminine traits.

 

Sexual beliefs and behaviors in ancient Sri Lanka indicate that the islanders relished a greater extent of sexual freedom compared to medieval Europe. There was no concept of sexual sin or sexual persecution that affected the population. The sexual repression carried out by the Inquisition In medieval Europe affected a great number of people. Between the 15th and 18th centuries, some 50,000 women were executed as witches in Europe, and most victims were burned at the stake. Most of these female victims were charged with sexual sins. Sexual attitudes and practices in ancient Sri Lanka indicate that the society had sexual tolerance and compassion. 

 

 

References

Kumarasinghe, M., De Silva, W.I., de Silva, R. et al. Unmarried Sri Lankan youth: sexual behaviour and contraceptive use. Contracept Reprod Med 7, 19 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40834-022-00185.

Sangharakshita Bikshu. 1975. Buddhism. In A.L. Basham (ed.). A Cultural History of India. Oxford University Press: 83‐99.

Shokeir AA, Hussein MI. Sexual life in Pharaonic Egypt: towards a urological view. Int J Impot Res. 2004 Oct;16(5):385-8. doi: 10.1038/sj.ijir.3901195. PMID: 15475944.

Singh A. Regulation of human sexual behaviour, sex revolution and emergence of AIDS: a historical perspective. Bull Indian Inst Hist Med Hyderabad. 1997 Jan;27(1):63-74. PMID: 12575704.

Singh A. Social basis of deviant sexual behaviour: a historical perspective. Bull Indian Inst Hist Med Hyderabad. 1999 Jan;29(1):51-62. PMID: 12585287.

ගොංගාලේගොඩ බණ්ඩාගේ ආයාචනය....

 

1848 දී කැරළිකරුවන් විසින් දඹුල්ලේදී රාජකමට පත්කරගත් ගොන්ගාලේගොඩ බණ්ඩා හෙවත් පෑලියගොඩ ඩේවිඩ් ඉංග්‍රිසීන් විසින් අත් අඩංගුවට ගැනීමෙන් පසු සමාව යදිමින් තම අත් අකුරින්ම ලියූ ලිපියක් ජාතික ලේඛනාගාරයේ ලියවිලි අතර තිබී මා පියා විසින් මහත් සැළකිල්ලෙන් සහ ඉවසීමෙන් පිටපත්කරගනු ලැබ දැන් මා සතුව ඇත. ඉතා අපැහැදිළි අකුරින් සහ අවියත් භාෂාවකින් ලියනු ලැබුවද මේ ලිපිය ඓතිහාසික වශයෙන් බෙහෙවින් වැදගත්‍ ය.

පුරන් අප්පු, කඩහපොල හිමි ඇතුළු විශාල පිරිසක් ඉංග්‍රිසීන් විසින් අත් අඩංගුවට ගෙන මරා දැමුවද ගොන්ගාලේගොඩ බණ්ඩාට ජීවිත දානය ලැබී කසපහර දී මළක්කාවට පිටුවහල් කිරීමට ඉංග්‍රිසීන් කටයුතු කරන්නට ඇත්තේ මේ බැගෑපත් ඉල්ලීමද සළකා විය යුතු ය. මේ ලිපිය මඟින් තමන් සමඟ සිටි බොහෝ දෙනෙකු පාවා දී ඇති අතර තම ප්‍රතිරූපයට නොගැලපෙන තරමට ඉංග්‍රිසීන් ඉදිරියේ බාල්දුවී ඇති බව පැහැදිළිය.

තමා කැරළිකරුවන්ගේ රජු බව කීමට පැකිළෙන ගොංගාලේගොඩ බණ්ඩා ඒ වෙනුවට තමන්

" පලමුවෙනියා" යැයි රවටනු ලැබූ බව මෙහි සදහන් කොට ඇත.

අප ගොංගාලේගොඩ බණ්ඩා ලෙස හැදින්නුවද තමන් ගොන්ගාලාගොඩ බන්ඩා ලෙස මෙහි ලියා ඇත්තේ එකල එසේ හදුන්වනු ලැබූ නිසා විය හැකිය.

මේ ලිපිය යළි පිටපත් කිරීමේදී බැදි අකුරු වෙනුවට හල් අකුරු යෙදීම, වචන සහ වාක්‍ය වෙන්කිරීම හැරුණු විට එය ලියා ඇති ආකාරයටම ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට හැකිතාක් උත්සහ කළෙමි. අකුරු අඩු වූ බව පෙනෙන තැන්වල පමණක් වරහන් තුළ ඒ අකුර හෝ අකුරු යොදනු ලැබ ඇත.

ඒ ලිපියේ ජායාපිටපත ද මේ සමඟ ඉදිරිපත් කරමි.@

"ගොන්ගාලාගොඩ බන්ඩා යන මා විසින් උසාවියේ වැටිලා පෙරලිලා ලක්ෂයක් වර වැධ නමස්කාර කර ඉතා යටහත් බාවයෙන් ෂිපිරින් උසාවියක නඩු විනිච්ච කිරීමට පත්‍ උ කොටුවෙ රජ්ජුරුවන් වහන්සේට මතක්කර සිටින්නේ නම් මම උඩුනුවර ගොන්ගාලගොඩ අපෙ ගෙදර සිට තරහකට අපෙම මය අනඩුකියා කඩුවෙල මාතලෙ සිටිනවා එතන මමද ගු සිටියාය එ හිටිනා අරට බුලර උන්නාසේ විසින් ආධායන් තිස් දෙකක් නියම කලාය කියා නිලතියන අයවල් විසින් දුප්පත් අයට කිය දුන්නාය. එබවට රට හතර දිසා කැරලි උනාය. මාතලෙ මම හිටින අතරට හඟුරන්කෙත ඩිඟිරාල සහ මාතලෙ වෙනත් අයවල් එක්වි බොරු ප්‍ර පෙරගන් කිය මා ර(ව)ටා දබුල්ලට මා එක්ක ගොස් මම බෑ කියද්දී ලෙනදොර ආරච්චිලද පල්ලේගම ආරච්චිලද ගිරානේගම උන්නාන්සේද ඇලහැර කෝරාලද එම ආරච්චිලද කොටුවේගෙදර මුහන්ධිරමද මාතලෙ වරාපිටියෙ කූනම්මඩුවේ ලේකන්‍ රාලද එම ගම ඇතිපල බන්ඩාද බෝවත්තේ දොලපීල්ලේ කවුරාලද උකුවල කිරිබන්ඩාද එමගම කපුරාලද එමග(ම) රටේරාලද කඩුවෙල තෙරපොල අධිකාරමද එම ගම බඩල් මුහන්ධ්රමද මේල්පිටියේ කෝරාලද වෙනත් මාතලෙ ගම අයවල් කතිකාකර ලෙනදොර ආරච්චිලට රෙධ් තුනක්ද හැට්ටයක්ද ඉසේ බධින්ඩ පට රෙද්දක් ද දී (ග?) ආරච්චිට අන්දවන්ඩ කියා ආරච්චිල රෙධි මට අන්දවා පල්ලක්කියකින් ගෙනත් මා පලමුවෙනියා කියා දබුල්ලේ හිටන් වාරියපොල වත්තට ඔවුන් විසින් මා එක්ක ආවේ හැබෑය දබුල්ලේ පටන් ගොන්ගාවලට එනකන් තියන තැ(පැ?)ල් පොලවල් පුස්සන්ඩ එවයෙ හිටින මිනිසුන් නා(ස්)ති කරන බඩු කො(ල්)ල කන්ඩ මිනිසු හැදුවාය. එශම අකාරන මම උන්ට කරඬ දුන්නේ නැත. ගොන්ගාවලට උන් / ඉ/රි වෙලා ඇවිත් බඩුකොල්ල කෑවාය. මම පස්සෙ එලවන ඇවිත් බඩු කොල්කන්ඩ එපා කියා වේවැල්පහක් පොඩිවෙනකම් උන්ට තැලුවය.නවත්තන්ඩ බැරි නිසා කඩුවකින් දෙන්නාගෙ අතට කෙටුවාය එතන්ධි බිදීපෑවාය. ගෙවල්ද උසාවියද කච්චේරියද මිනිස්ස්සු නාස්තිකරන්ඩ හැධුවාය.ඒ කොයියන් ආකාරයකින්වත් කරන්ඩ උන්ට මම ඉඩ දුන්නේ නැත. නුවර එන්ඩ ඔවුන් විසින් මට කීවය.

මම ඔබලාට කියා දුන්නා කිසිම අනර්ථ කරන්ඩ කොයියන් කෙනෙකුන්ඩවත් එපා කීවාම එකෙකා(?) හැඩ බලා හිතුවක් කල නිසා මම යන්නේ නැත කියා වාරියපොල වත්තට ගියාය. එතෙන්ට මහත්මයෙක් ගෙනත් ඔවුන් විසින් මරන්ඩ හැදුවාය. මම ගලවා මරන්ඩ ඉඩ දුන්නේ නැත. මෙහම අනර්ථ මා විසින් උන්ට කරන්ඩ නුදුන් නිසාත් ඔහුනෙන් තලෙ මිනිසුන්ට කොල්ල කන්ඩ නෙධි මා විසින් වදකල නිසාත් ඔවුන් විසින් මාගෙ පරානේ හානිකර වෙන කෙනෙක් පලමුවෙනි කොට තබා ගන්ඩ කතිකා කරන බව මට ධැනී එතනින් ඔවුන් අත් හැර මම ගියාය මා අත කෙරුනු වරද නන් ඔපමනයයවෙන වරදක් කෙරුනේ නැත නොහොත් තමුන්නාන්සේගෙ පරානෙ මැවුවෙත් මය පරානෙ මැව්වෙත් එක දෙවියන් වහන්සේය. තමුන්නාන්සේ මෙඬ්පෙට දෙවියොය තමුන්නාන්සේගෙ පරානෙත් මයෙ මරානෙත් දෙවියන්වහන්සෙ ලගධි කතාකරගන්නවා ඇත. එනිසා තමුන්නාන්සේ උප්පාද කල දෙවියන්වහන්සෙ නාමෙටද දේසනාවේ නාමෙටද එන්ගලන්තෙ මහිසිකාවුන් වහන්සෙ ගෙ නාමෙටද එකිවුන්නේ(?)නාමෙටද තමුන්නාන්සේලාට ආන්ඩු තියන ශාම රටවල්වල තියන පල්ලිවල නාමෙටද එවය බන පවත්තන පාදිලි උන්නාන්සේලායෙ නාමෙටද කොලබ උතුමානන්වහන්සෙගෙ නාමෙටද තමුන්නාන්සෙගෙ පිය රජ්ජුරුවන්නේ නාමෙටද මවු බිසවුන් වහන්සෙ ගෙ නාමෙටද තමුන්නාන්සෙගෙ නාමෙටද ඉට මට සමාවක් ලැබිලා පිනටම නිදහස් කර අරින්ඩ මා විසින් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා. මේ හැර ගොන්ගාලාගොඩ මැනික්‍ රාල වන මයෙ මාමායෙන් මුදල් ඇන්න ගොස් මීගොන් උන්ට ගෙනත් දුන්නාය එ මිගොන් සහා ගෙදර බඩුත් ආන්ඩුවට ගෙන ගෙ(ද)ර පිස්සුවාය. ඒවා උන්ට ලැබෙට ඉල්ලා සිටිනවාය

අත්සන/ ගොන්ගාලාගොඩ බන්ඩා.

Copied by : Bandara Manatunga.

Presented by : Anura Manatunga

The Emergence of Child Soldiers in Sri Lanka

 

 

 Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

According to UNICEF (2007), the term child soldier refers to any person under 18 years of age who is recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, conscripting, enlisting, or using children under 15 in hostilities is a war crime.

Paramilitary groups often target children for recruitment for several reasons. Children are more malleable and tend to follow orders without question, as their fear response is less developed than that of adults, leading to a lack of awareness of danger. This fearlessness makes them more susceptible to manipulation and indoctrination, as they may not fully understand moral complexities. Additionally, their smaller size and agility make them ideal candidates for risky roles such as spies, messengers, or porters, further exploiting their vulnerabilities.

The emergence of child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the 1971 uprising orchestrated by Rohana Wijeweera, a prominent Marxist–Leninist political figure and the founder of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). These child soldiers were known as "Ratu Gatav" or the Red Youngsters.  These children committed violent acts in 1971. 

In 1971, numerous child recruits aligned themselves with adult rebels, leading to some committing atrocities. Noteworthy incidents include a young schoolboy, identified as a red youngster, who shot and killed a police officer during the attack on the Kadugannawa police station. Additionally, in the Kegalle district, a 16-year-old child soldier named Jayatissa, a student at Central College in Tholangamuwa, brutally killed a man named Pabilis, who was suspected of being a police informant, using a mamoty.

The Second JVP Insurrection took place from 1988 to 1989, evolving into a protracted "low-intensity" total war over the course of two years. This conflict tragically involved children, who were indoctrinated to participate in destructive activities against government property, engage in looting, and even commit acts of murder. A significant event during this tumultuous period was the assassination of George Ratnayake, a member of the Lanka Teachers' Union, who was fatally stabbed by a schoolboy named Saman Kumara Merusinghe, acting as a child soldier.

During the 30-year armed conflict in Sri Lanka, from 1983 to 2009, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) employed a significant number of child soldiers, incorporating them into nearly all facets of their military operations. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) utilized a combination of systematic forced conscription, psychological indoctrination, and socio-economic pressure to recruit children as young as 11. By 2007, an estimated 6,248 children had been recruited into their ranks (Macfarlane, 2024).

Velupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), strategically recruited child soldiers as part of his broader military agenda during the Sri Lankan civil conflict. This decision was driven by a combination of factors, including the need for a steady influx of fighters to sustain the LTTE's operations and the belief that children could be more easily indoctrinated into the group's ideology. By enlisting minors, Prabhakaran not only bolstered the ranks of his forces but also deprived these young individuals of their right to education, effectively trapping them in a cycle of violence and conflict.

The atrocities committed by child soldiers within the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are deeply troubling and multifaceted. These young individuals, often forcibly recruited or coerced into service, were involved in various violent acts that included armed combat, suicide bombings, and other forms of terrorism. The LTTE utilized these child soldiers not only as combatants but also in support roles, exposing them to extreme violence and psychological trauma. Reports indicate that many of these children were trained to carry out brutal attacks against military and civilian targets. During the peak of the conflict, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) launched assaults on Sinhala villages, killing unarmed civilians. The LTTE employed child soldiers to carry out these hateful acts.

The emergence of child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be attributed to a complex interplay of socio-political factors, particularly during the protracted civil conflict that spanned from 1971 to 2009. The dire socio-economic conditions of conflict-torn regions, coupled with the breakdown of traditional family structures and the pervasive violence, created an environment where children were vulnerable to recruitment. The ideological indoctrination and the promise of belonging to a cause provided a compelling narrative for many youths, who were often drawn into the conflict as a means of asserting identity and agency in a landscape marked by chaos and uncertainty. The normalization of violence and the militarization of society further entrenched the phenomenon, leading to a tragic cycle where children were not only recruited but also trained and utilized in combat roles, perpetuating the cycle of conflict and suffering in the region.

Somasundaram (2002) identifies that the motivations for children to become involved in armed groups can be divided into push and pull factors. Push factors include traumatic experiences such as witnessing the deaths of family members, the destruction of their homes, forced displacement, economic hardships, political oppression, and various forms of harassment. These elements create a compelling environment that drives children toward joining such groups.

Child soldiers endure profound and often enduring psychological challenges stemming from their repeated exposure to trauma. The prevalence of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) among these individuals is alarmingly high, primarily due to their harrowing experiences in warfare, which include combat, abuse, loss, and coerced violence. As a result, they frequently exhibit symptoms such as flashbacks, anxiety, depression, and various physical manifestations of distress. As indicated by Singh (2004), child soldiers endure a meaningless cycle of fear and violence.

Depression in child soldiers is a highly prevalent condition. Many former child soldiers remain trapped by "dreaded combat memories," suffering from severe depression, adjustment disorders, and somatization. Denov (2022) argues that child soldiers are prone to suffer from moral injury, a form of psychological distress not fully captured by traditional PTSD frameworks.

The use of child soldiers in Sri Lanka has led to profound social repercussions that can endure for many years following the cessation of conflict. This phenomenon has not only inflicted severe personal trauma on the children involved but has also contributed to broader societal challenges, including the erosion of community resilience. The integration of these young individuals into armed groups disrupts familial structures and social networks, leading to a breakdown in trust and cohesion within communities. As these children return to civilian life, they often face stigmatization and isolation, which further complicates their reintegration and hinders collective healing processes. The long-term effects manifest in various forms, such as increased violence, mental health issues, and a diminished capacity for social cooperation, ultimately stunting the community's ability to recover and thrive in the aftermath of conflict.

Addressing the psychological wounds of former child soldiers in Sri Lanka requires a multifaceted approach that encompasses trauma-informed care, community reintegration, and ongoing support systems. First and foremost, it is essential to provide specialized psychological counselling that acknowledges the unique experiences of these individuals, including exposure to violence, loss, and displacement. Therapeutic interventions should be tailored to meet the specific needs of each child, utilizing evidence-based practices such as cognitive-behavioural therapy and art therapy, which can facilitate emotional expression and healing. Additionally, community engagement plays a crucial role in the reintegration process; fostering a supportive environment where former child soldiers can reconnect with their families and peers is vital for rebuilding trust and a sense of belonging. Furthermore, establishing educational and vocational training programs can empower these young individuals, equipping them with skills that promote self-sufficiency and resilience. Finally, ongoing support from mental health professionals, social workers, and community leaders is necessary to ensure that these children continue to receive the care they need as they navigate the complexities of their recovery journey. By implementing a comprehensive strategy that addresses both psychological and social dimensions, Sri Lanka can pave the way for the healing and reintegration of former child soldiers into society.

  

References

Denov M. Encountering children and child soldiers during military deployments: the impact and implications for moral injury. Eur J Psychotraumatol. 2022 Aug 11;13(2):2104007. doi: 10.1080/20008066.2022.2104007. PMID: 35979504; PMCID: PMC9377244.

Macfarlane, K (2024). Protection gaps: child soldier rehabilitation and militarized governance in Sri Lanka Open Access International Affairs, Volume 100, Issue 3, May 2024, Pages 1131–1147,

Singh S. Post-traumatic stress in former Ugandan child soldiers. Lancet. 2004 May 15;363(9421):1648. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(04)16217-X. PMID: 15145645.

Somasundaram D. Child soldiers: understanding the context. BMJ. 2002 May 25;324(7348):1268-71. doi: 10.1136/bmj.324.7348.1268. PMID: 12028985; PMCID: PMC1123221.

UNICEF. (2007). The Paris Principles: Principles and guidelines on children associated with armed forces or armed groups. www.unicef.orgA

The Lucifer Effect in the Streets: The Tragic End of Sri Lankan Parliamentarian Amarakirthi Athukorala

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge 

The shocking murder of former Sri Lankan parliamentarian Amarakirthi Athukorala, along with his security officer, during ARAGALAYA in 2022,  raises profound questions regarding human behaviour and the darker aspects of human nature. According to the reports, the mob attacked the two men with poles and clubs. The post-mortem examination revealed that MP Athukorala died from multiple injuries, severe fractures, and internal bleeding. This tragic incident was not perpetrated by professional assassins but rather by ordinary individuals. In light of this tragic event, it is imperative to pose a critical question. What drives an average individual to commit murder? 

During ARAGALAYA, we observed that certain radical politicians, celebrities, intellectuals from universities, community leaders, and even some members of the clergy not only endorsed violence but also subtly encouraged the public to target those they deemed enemies of the people. This prompts us to an important inquiry: what led ordinary civilians to engage in such acts of brutality?

Reflecting on our recent history reveals a series of shocking incidents, including brutal acts of violence perpetrated by ordinary individuals. One particularly shocking event occurred in 1956 during the racial riots in Panadura, where a Hindu Poosari was tragically burned alive by a mob. This act of savagery was not carried out by seasoned criminals but rather by everyday people who succumbed to the chaos and hatred of the moment. 

In 1971, Rohana Wijewwera led an uprising and formed a group of child soldiers known as RATHU GATAV, or Red Youngsters. During the peak of this rebellion, a gruesome incident occurred involving a 16-year-old student from Tholangamuwa Madya Maha Vidyalaya, who brutally murdered an elderly man named Pabilis from the Kegalle District. The young school boy first struck the victim's head with a mamotee before burying him alive. Analyzing this incident, we ought to question how a schoolboy could exhibit such brutal behaviour.

On August 28, 1977, in Vavunikulam a group of 20 to 25 Tamils attacked a lorry transporting 15 Sinhalese fishermen and a police constable who had returned to collect their belongings. This violent incident resulted in the deaths of five fishermen and the constable, with their bodies later found inside the burned lorry. It is important to note that those responsible for this act were not the members of the LTTE but were Tamil civilians.

In 1983, a group of Lumpenproletariat in Wellawatta poured petrol onto a vehicle and ignited it during racial riots, resulting in the tragic deaths of several passengers who were trapped inside and burned alive. Notably, the individuals responsible for this heinous act had no prior history of barbarous violence. Some of them were street vendors.

During the Eelam war, a group of child soldiers from the LTTE launched an attack on a Sinhala village, murdering unarmed civilians. In a particularly horrific act, infants were brutally killed by the child soldiers, holding the babies by their legs and striking their heads against a wall. Many of these young child soldiers were schoolboys who had been indoctrinated into the ideology of Prabhakaran's racial separation.

This raises the question: how did these everyday people become capable of such abominable acts? The phenomenon of group dynamics/mob mentality plays a crucial role in this transformation, as it can strip away individual moral compasses and replace them with a collective impulse that often leads to violence and chaos.

In moments of heightened emotion and group dynamics, individuals may find themselves swept up in a tide of aggression, abandoning their personal ethics in favour of the group's actions. This unsettling reality compels us to examine the underlying psychological mechanisms that can turn ordinary citizens into participants in brutality, challenging our understanding of morality and the potential for savagery that exists within us all. This aspect was particularly significant in the case of Amarakirthi Athukorala.

The primary process that facilitates this transformation is deindividuation, a state where individuals lose their sense of self-awareness and personal responsibility while immersed in a group. Being part of a large crowd creates a "veil of anonymity". Individuals feel their personal identity is hidden, which reduces their fear of negative consequences or judgment, emboldening them to break social norms they would normally follow alone. 

Diffusion of Responsibility is another key factor. In a mob, the feeling of personal responsibility for an act is shared across the entire group. Emotions such as rage, fear, and excitement spread rapidly through a group, often bypassing rational thought. This "contagion" can create a hypnotic state or a crowd frenzy, in which individuals mimic the aggressive behaviours they observe.  

Dehumanization of the Victim make easy for them to unleash violence against them.  Mobs often justify violence by placing the victim "outside" the community's moral boundaries. By labelling a target as an enemy or a "criminal," the group neutralizes normal moral restraints against harming others. Group Norms and Peer Pressure too affect the mob mentality. 

Upon the announcement of the verdict in the case of Amarakirthi Athukorala and the murder of his bodyguards, many of the twelve convicted individuals were overcome with emotion, breaking into tears and wailing as the death sentences were pronounced. Some of the defendants protested loudly, asserting that they were innocent bystanders caught up in the chaos of the crowd. No one accepted accountability for the situation.

We will now examine the dynamics involved in mob violence. Charles-Marie Gustave Le Bon, a French polymath, indicated that crowds lose their personality and adopt a "collective mind" characterized by anonymity, contagion, and suggestibility. He believed that the dynamics of group behaviour can lead to a significant alteration in personal judgment and decision-making, often overriding individual rationality in favour of the prevailing sentiments of the crowd. 

In his influential work, The Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War, the English neurosurgeon Wilfred Trotter provides a profound analysis of how collective psychology can overshadow individual ethical principles. Trotter argues that when individuals become part of a crowd, their personal moral compass is often diminished, leading to behaviours that may contradict their own values. 

In 1922, Sigmund Freud introduced the concept of a "herd instinct," which describes a psychological phenomenon where individuals tend to follow a leader or a collective group without critical examination or skepticism.

Freud's concept of the "herd instinct" provides a compelling framework for understanding the psychological underpinnings of mob violence. This instinct refers to the innate tendency of individuals to conform to the behaviours and emotions of a larger group, often leading to a loss of personal identity and moral judgment. In a mob setting, individuals may feel a sense of anonymity and diminished personal responsibility, which can result in aggressive and irrational behaviour that they might not exhibit in isolation. The collective energy of the group can amplify emotions such as fear, anger, or excitement, creating a volatile environment where rational thought is overshadowed by primal instincts.

Despite the existence of various theories, an elusive element remains linked to group violence. Based on my discussions with the esteemed Stanford Professor Philip Zimbardo, I encountered a different perspective. He emphasizes the Lucifer Effect, which illustrates how ordinary individuals, typically seen as good, can become agents of evil when subjected to particular situational and systemic influences. Zimbardo defines deindividuation as a state where individuals lose their sense of personal identity and self-awareness within a group.

Our final task - how do we prevent mob mentality and turning ordinary people into perpetrators of violence? Preventing mob mentality and the radicalization of everyday people requires a multi-layered approach that addresses individual psychology, group dynamics, and systemic failures. Its important to educate people about how they are carried away by mass hysteria in mob events. One critical objective is to dismantle the prevailing "culture of impunity" that frequently encourages mob behaviour. Also its important to be proactive bystanders who involve standing up for victims and confronting aggressive behaviour instead of succumbing to group mentality.

Who Killed JFK ?

Several years ago, I authored a book that discussed the intricate details surrounding the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. My research took me to various locations, including Minsk, where I gathered information about Lee Harvey Oswald's life during his time in the Soviet Union. Additionally, I visited the JFK Museum in Boston, which provided further insights into the events of that fateful day. In my assessment, I firmly believe that Oswald was not acting alone; the evidence suggests that multiple shots were fired at the presidential motorcade, indicating the presence of several snipers. It appears that Oswald was used as a scapegoat in a larger scheme. The motivations behind the assassination are complex; JFK's intention to withdraw troops from Vietnam threatened the interests of military leaders and top class businessman who profited from the conflict, leading to discontent among the upper echelons of the military establishment. Furthermore, following the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, certain factions within the CIA harboured resentment towards Kennedy, which may have contributed to their desire to see him removed from power. This convergence of interests points to a conspiracy, suggesting that elements within the so-called "deep state" orchestrated the assassination of JFK.

මම කෙනඩි ඝාතකයා ජීවත් වූ මින්ස්ක් නගරයට ගියා ඔහු ජීවත් වූ නිවස බලන්න. ඉන් පසු මිචිගන් වල හෙන්රි ෆෝඩ් මියුසියම් එකේ කෙනඩිට වෙඩි වදින ලෙමොසීන් එක දැක්කා ( ඉතිහාසය ටච් කරන්න ආස නිසා ලනුව පැනලා හිමීට වාහනය ටච් කලා. wrong thing ) මගේ මේ පොතෙන් මම පෙන්වා දෙන්න හැදුවේ කෙනඩි ඝාතනය කලේ ඔස්වල්ඩ් නොවන බව ; On November 22, 1963, President John F. Kennedy was killed by a sniper in Dallas, Texas. The police arrested Lee Harvey Oswald for the crime. While being escorted to the Dallas County Jail, Oswald was shot by Jack Ruby. Oswald succumbed to his gunshot injuries. He was 24 years old. Oswald was buried in Shannon Rose Hill Memorial Park in Fort Worth, Texas. Oswald’s mother, his wife Marina, and 22-month-old daughter June attend the funeral. Read https://transyl2014.blogspot.com/2015/06/the-trail-of-lee-harvey-oswald.html

Being Job vs Being Meursault

 

Job (from the book of Job, Biblical Text) was a pious man who believed in God. He held a firm conviction that a divine force orchestrated the course of his life, guiding him through the myriad experiences that shaped his existence. Job's perspective emphasizes a fundamental principle of moral conduct: individuals who engage in virtuous actions can expect to receive rewards, while those who commit wrongful deeds will face consequences. Job held a firm belief in an afterlife filled with paradise, confident that he would reunite with his loved ones beyond death. With God as his guiding light, he never experienced a sense of solitude in this world. Job found comfort in his belief in a metaphysical entity, which helped him reconcile with the adversities he encountered throughout his life.

Meursault, the central character and narrator in Albert Camus's existentialist work, The Stranger, embodies a profound skepticism towards the existence of a higher power. He explicitly rejects the notion of God, viewing life through a lens that dismisses the concepts of divine justice and karma as mere illusions. Meursault posits that the essence of life is rooted in absurdity, suggesting that the universe operates without any predetermined laws or structures. He perceives events as occurring in a haphazard manner, akin to the erratic movements observed in Brownian motion. Meursault possesses a profound awareness of the absence of any divine presence or higher power governing the universe. He recognizes that the cosmos operates independently of any spiritual oversight, leaving him to confront the stark reality of his existence in solitude. He lives in an existential isolation and a cynical world view.

Now we can explore the question of who experienced greater happiness in life: Job or Meursault? Job lived in a realm where he felt a profound sense of security, bolstered by his unwavering faith in divine protection, even amidst the relentless trials and tribulations that beset him. Despite enduring immense suffering, including the loss of his wealth, health, and family, Job maintained a steadfast belief that his perseverance would ultimately lead to divine reward and a return to happiness. Job may have existed within a distorted perception of reality or under a guise of deception, yet he found contentment in his circumstances.

Meursault understood that the cosmos operates without predetermined laws, revealing a world where events unfold randomly and unpredictably. In this vast expanse, the notion of a savior is rendered obsolete, leaving individuals to navigate their own paths in a landscape devoid of inherent meaning. He recognized that absurdism encapsulated the essence of existence, highlighting the dissonance between humanity's quest for significance and the indifferent universe that surrounds them. This realization fostered a profound acceptance of life's inherent chaos, prompting Meursault to confront the reality that each person must ultimately rely on themselves in the face of an uncaring world.

When comparing the lives of Job and Meursault, it becomes evident that Job experiences a greater sense of happiness, while Meursault embodies a more cynical and discontented outlook. This raises a profound question about the essence of life: is it preferable to dwell in a deceptive reality filled with happiness, or to confront the harsh truths of existence, even if it leads to unhappiness?

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge

How the Duvalier Regime Transformed Vodou from a Communal Spiritual Practice into a Mechanism of State-Sponsored Fear

François Duvalier, often referred to as "Papa Doc," served as the President of Haiti from 1957 until he died in 1971. During that time, he established one of the most oppressive and enduring dictatorships in the nation's history. His regime was characterized by a pervasive atmosphere of fear and repression, which he skillfully cultivated through his belief in and manipulation of Vodou practices. Duvalier utilized the mystique of Vodou not only as a personal belief system but also as a political tool to intimidate and control the populace. Under Duvalier, "zombification" became a literal mechanism of state repression.

The paranoia and suspicion that characterized François Duvalier's later years may have been influenced by an underlying mental health condition. In 1959, he experienced a significant health crisis, suffering a massive heart attack followed by a prolonged nine-hour diabetic coma. This traumatic event has led analysts to speculate that it could have resulted in permanent brain damage, which in turn may have contributed to his increasingly erratic behavior and profound mental instability. As a consequence, Duvalier began to engage in a relentless pursuit of individuals he deemed suspicious, often acting on mere conjecture rather than concrete evidence. This shift in his psychological state not only affected his governance but also instilled a climate of fear and repression within Haiti, as he sought to eliminate any perceived threats to his power. His regime of terror is estimated to have caused approximately 30,000 deaths. Some estimates suggest as many as 40,000 died during his specific tenure due to direct violence and siphoned aid, leading to endemic famine.

François "Papa Doc" Duvalier passed away in 1971, leaving behind a legacy marked by tyranny and oppression, yet he did so without ever facing justice for the numerous atrocities he committed during his regime. His death came as a relief to many who had suffered under his rule, characterized by widespread human rights violations and a climate of fear. In a move that would ensure the continuation of his authoritarian legacy, Duvalier designated his son, Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, as his successor, thereby entrusting the reins of power to a young leader who would inherit the same oppressive tactics and governance style.

While "Papa Doc" was dying, he reportedly performed private Vodou ceremonies to "transfer" his protective spirits and the "mystical mandate" to Jean-Claude. Unlike his father, who was a deep scholar of Vodou and "Noirisme," Jean-Claude’s relationship with the religion was largely pragmatic and detached. However, he realized the importance of Vodou to keep people in fear, and he continued to use Vodou as a repressive tool because it worked.

In 1986, Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier was ousted from power following a significant uprising that reflected the deep-seated frustrations of the Haitian populace. This revolt was primarily driven by widespread dissatisfaction with his authoritarian rule, characterized by severe human rights violations, rampant corruption, and a series of economic mismanagement that left the country in dire straits.

Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier escaped to France in the early 1980s, taking with him a substantial fortune amassed through corrupt practices during his regime. After decades in exile, he made a surprising return to Haiti in 2011, asserting that he intended to assist in the nation's recovery from the catastrophic earthquake that struck in 2010. However, his arrival was met with swift legal action; just two days later, Haitian authorities detained him and brought forth serious charges, including corruption, embezzlement, and the misappropriation of public funds. Duvalier's only court appearance occurred in February 2013, where he attempted to defend himself against these grave accusations. He passed away later that same year, leaving the legal proceedings unresolved and the allegations against him without a conclusive judgment.

Wes Craven's 1988 film, The Serpent and the Rainbow, intricately weaves a narrative that explores the intersection of horror and political reality, set against the tumultuous backdrop of the Duvalier regime in Haiti. This horror-thriller delves into the pervasive atmosphere of fear that characterized the era, illustrating how the authoritarian government employed terror as a means of control over its populace. The film not only highlights the brutal tactics of the regime but also incorporates elements of black magic and witchcraft, which serve to amplify the sense of dread and helplessness experienced by the people.

The Duvalier regime significantly altered the nature of Vodou, transforming it from a communal spiritual practice rooted in the cultural identity and social cohesion of Haitian society into a tool of state-sponsored intimidation and control. Under the leadership of François "Papa Doc" Duvalier and later his son Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, Vodou was co-opted to serve the interests of the state, with the regime portraying itself as the protector of the faith while simultaneously using it to instill fear among the populace.

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge

Austria - The Land of Beauty and Music

 

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge 

Austria is renowned for its breathtaking Alpine landscapes and is a truly picturesque nation. During a ferry ride from Ostend to Dover, I had the pleasure of meeting an Austrian named Shultz. Our conversation revolved around Austria and its rich history, providing me with valuable insights.

I asked him about the average Austrian's perspective on Hitler's annexation of Austria in 1938. At that time, a significant number of Austrians greeted the annexation with enthusiasm. However, the release of the film The Sound of Music later revealed a shift in sentiment, as audiences became more aware of the struggles faced by the von Trapp family, highlighting a form of passive resistance to the regime. Shults explained that for many years following 1945, Austria officially embraced the "Victim Myth," asserting that it was the first nation to fall under Hitler's control. He noted that some Austrians perceive their country as both a victim and a perpetrator. This sentiment has persisted among post-war generations, who largely subscribe to the "first victim" narrative. Additionally, he mentioned that the majority of Austrians prefer to maintain their identity as an independent nation rather than align themselves with Germany.

It is essential to recognize that a segment of the Austrian population became fervent supporters of Hitler. Prominent Wehrmacht generals included Lothar Rendulic, an Austrian army group commander who directed German operations on the Eastern Front and in Norway, later facing conviction for war crimes at Nuremberg. Another notable figure was Erhard Raus, a proficient panzer commander who led multiple armies, including the 3rd Panzer Army, during the Eastern Front campaigns.

While talking to Shulz, I realized that a considerable number of Austrians opposed Hitler's invasion of their country, with some engaging in both passive resistance and organized efforts to counter the Nazi regime. Among the notable figures was Otto von Habsburg, the heir to the former Austrian throne, who openly condemned Hitler and advocated for armed resistance. He played a crucial role in facilitating the escape of around 50,000 individuals, including many Jews, from Austria. Additionally, the Hohenberg brothers were active in their anti-Nazi stance, which ultimately led to their imprisonment in the Dachau concentration camp.

It was a warm summer night, and the English Channel appeared remarkably graceful, with distant ships and ferries casting shimmering reflections across the water. Our conversation flowed seamlessly as we took in the serene beauty of the scene. Our discussion delved into the life of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, a remarkable talent and a child prodigy. His extraordinary musical abilities were evident from a young age, yet it seems he struggled to cope with the immense pressure that accompanied his genius.

While Amadeus Mozart is celebrated as a prodigy of classical music, his personality was often marked by arrogance and a lack of refinement. He exhibited a pompous demeanor, displaying overconfidence and poor manners, frequently boasting about his musical achievements. Despite his undeniable talent and ability to compose from memory, Mozart struggled to gain the respect of his peers, often belittling other composers and positioning himself as the preeminent maestro of Vienna.

The intense rivalry between him and court composer Antonio Salieri has been a subject of speculation throughout history. Salieri, who harbored a mix of jealousy and admiration for Mozart's extraordinary gifts, found himself in a complex emotional struggle. Although he publicly criticized Mozart's work, particularly when the emperor and nobility opposed the comic opera "The Marriage of Figaro" for political reasons, he secretly revered his rival's operatic genius. Salieri, a devout man who believed his musical talent was divinely bestowed, felt threatened by Mozart's greater recognition and talent, leading him to renounce his faith and perceive his rivalry as a battle against divine will. His animosity towards Mozart grew to an almost spiritual level, marked by sarcasm and ill wishes. Meanwhile, as Salieri grappled with his personal turmoil, Mozart resorted to heavy drinking. Although there is no concrete evidence to suggest that Salieri was responsible for Mozart's death, it is possible that he harbored a hidden desire for such an outcome.

I have long desired to visit Vienna and explore the Sigmund Freud Museum located at Berggasse. My professor at York University, Richard N. Lalonde, visited the museum and informed me that the renowned couch was not present, as it had been shipped to England when Freud permanently left Vienna.

Upon the ferry's arrival in Dover, I bid farewell to Shults. Although our meeting occurred quite some time ago, he invariably comes to mind whenever I reflect on my experiences in Austria, as he served as my temporary travel companion during that journey.