The Impact of Combat Trauma on Violence and Criminal Behaviour

 

 

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge, M.D. PhD 

The prolonged 30-year armed conflict in Sri Lanka has left many military veterans and former members of the LTTE grappling with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Many individuals suffering from PTSD remain undiagnosed and without treatment. The individuals affected by the conflict carry deep psychological wounds and haunting memories of war-related violence. There is a tendency for these PTSD victims to engage in violent acts.   

Police reports suggest that former soldiers and some ex-members of the LTTE are involved in criminal activities and exhibit social aggression.  The involvement of former military personnel, especially deserters, in criminal activities poses a considerable security threat. Authorities have observed that individuals with military training who exit the armed forces are often targeted by organized crime groups for participation in serious offences. A notable number of these individuals engage in drug-related crimes, further complicating the nation's security landscape.

As of April 2025, Sri Lankan authorities report the arrest of approximately 1,700 individuals who deserted the military and became involved in organized crime (Balasuriya, 2025). A significant number of these individuals are likely suffering from combat-related PTSD. The increase in violent behaviour and criminal activities among former combatants presents a serious threat to civil society. Therefore, it is crucial to take immediate measures to mitigate the violence and criminality linked to these ex-combatants.

Research has consistently demonstrated a significant link between Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and aggressive behaviour (Blakey et al.,2018). According to Orth & Wieland (2006), individuals suffering from PTSD often experience heightened emotional responses, which can manifest as irritability, anger, and impulsive actions. The stress and anxiety associated with PTSD can exacerbate feelings of frustration and helplessness, further contributing to aggressive outbursts (Saffari et al., 2021).

According to Taylor and team (2020), combat veterans with PTSD face a roughly 60% higher risk of justice-system involvement. Soldiers experiencing combat trauma often face significant challenges in adjusting to civilian life. The shift from a highly structured military setting to the unpredictability of civilian life can foster feelings of isolation and disillusionment. The psychological wounds inflicted by their experiences can hinder their ability to function effectively within society. Moreover, the lack of sufficient support systems and rehabilitation programs intensifies these difficulties, sometimes driving individuals toward illicit activities as a means of coping and survival.

Research has shown that military veterans of the Vietnam War often experienced post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which contributed to their involvement in violent and criminal behaviors (Beckham et al.,1997).  One alarming case study is that of Andrew Brannan, a highly decorated Vietnam veteran who received the Bronze Star. He struggled with combat-related PTSD and was charged with the murder of a police officer in 1998. Ultimately, Brannan was executed in 2015 for his crime.

Some Soviet veterans who served in Afghanistan and experienced Afghan Syndrome, a form of PTSD, upon their return to the Soviet Union, found themselves drawn into organized crime and criminal gangs. This transition was often a response to the psychological trauma they faced, as they struggled to reintegrate into society and cope with their experiences (Schuck, 2020).  

Valery Radshchikov, a former Soviet veteran of the Afghan War, was a highly decorated paratrooper who tragically lost both legs in a landmine explosion during the conflict. After returning to the Soviet Union, he became involved in criminal activities, ultimately leading a gang that orchestrated a remote-controlled bombing at the Kotlyakovskoye Cemetery in Moscow on November 10, 1996, resulting in the deaths of 14 individuals.

According to Elbogen and colleagues (2010) Some U.S. soldiers who served in Iraq and Afghanistan have experienced post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which has led to their involvement in violent crimes.  A particularly harrowing case is that of Staff Sergeant Robert Bales, who, after being diagnosed with PTSD and a traumatic brain injury, perpetrated a horrific act by killing 16 Afghan civilians, including many women and children, while they slept in Kandahar, Afghanistan.

Research indicates that Sri Lankan war veterans suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) may exhibit a propensity for violent behavior and criminal activities (Jayatunge, 2013). A specific case example may provide valuable insights into this issue.

Rathnayaka Mudiyanselage Jinadasa, known as Army Jine, was a courageous soldier in the Sri Lanka Commando unit, recognized for his remarkable combat abilities. However, the psychological toll of combat led to significant behavioral issues, resulting in disciplinary charges against him. Subsequently, Jine went absent without leave (AWOL) and engaged in a series of serious crimes, including highway robberies, murders, and rapes, while evading law enforcement by utilizing survival skills he had acquired. Reports indicate that he was responsible for nearly 27 rapes during his time on the run. His criminal activities came to an end in 2003 when he was fatally shot by police. There is substantial evidence suggesting that Army Jine suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) related to his military service.

Research into the factors that lead some war veterans with PTSD to engage in violent and criminal behavior has identified several key theories. One prominent explanation is the impact of trauma on emotional regulation, which can result in heightened aggression and impulsivity (Miles et al., 2015). Additionally, social and environmental influences, such as isolation and lack of support, may exacerbate these tendencies, pushing veterans towards maladaptive coping mechanisms (Elbogen et al., 2014).  Furthermore, the interplay between PTSD symptoms, such as hyperarousal and re-experiencing traumatic events, can create a cycle of violence as individuals struggle to manage their distress (Chemtob et al.,1997).   Exposure to trauma and its subsequent reenactment can lead military veterans with war-related psychological issues to engage in violent behavior (Van der Kolk, 1989). Understanding these theories is crucial for developing effective interventions and support systems for affected veterans.

Preventing veterans with PTSD from resorting to violent or criminal behavior is a vital concern that necessitates a comprehensive strategy. Tailored treatment and rehabilitation programs are essential to address the specific experiences and challenges these individuals face. This approach should include extensive mental health services that combine medication with proven psychological therapies, such as cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT) and exposure therapy, both of which have demonstrated effectiveness in reducing PTSD symptoms (Watkins et al., 2018). Additionally, Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR) has also proven to be highly effective for veterans suffering from PTSD (Hurley, 2018).

Additionally, integrating support systems that involve family members and peer support groups can foster a sense of community and understanding, which is essential for recovery (Hundt et al.,2015).  Furthermore, vocational training and employment assistance can provide veterans with a sense of purpose and stability, reducing the likelihood of resorting to negative coping mechanisms Davis (et al.,2018).  It is also vital to ensure that these programs are accessible and culturally competent, recognizing the diverse backgrounds and needs of veterans. By implementing a holistic approach that combines psychological support, social reintegration, and practical skills development, we can significantly improve the outcomes for veterans struggling with PTSD and help them lead fulfilling lives free from violence and criminal behaviour.

References

Balasuriya, D. S. (2025, April 8). 1,700 armed forces deserters arrested in crime crackdown: Minister. Daily Mirror. https://www.dailymirror.lk/breaking-news/1-700-armed-forces-deserters-arrested-in-crime-crackdown-Minister/108-306272

Beckham, J. C., Feldman, M. E., Kirby, A. C., Hertzberg, M. A., & Moore, S. D. (1997). Interpersonal violence and its correlates in Vietnam veterans with chronic posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 53(7), 659–669.

Blakey, S. M., Love, H., Lindquist, L., Beckham, J. C., & Elbogen, E. B. (2018). Disentangling the link between posttraumatic stress disorder and violent behavior: Findings from a nationally representative sample. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 86(2), 169–178. https://doi.org/10.1037/ccp0000253.

Davis, L. L., Leon, A. C., Vogel-Scibilia, S., Resnick, S. G., Kurz, C. P., & Drake, R. E. (2018). Effect of evidence-based supported employment vs transitional work on outcomes for veterans with posttraumatic stress disorder: A randomized clinical trial. JAMA Psychiatry, 75(4), 316–324. doi.org

Chemtob, C. M., Novaco, R. W., Hamada, R. S., Gross, D. M., & Smith, G. (1997). Anger, hostility, and aggression in combat-related posttraumatic stress disorder: Dynamics and interventions. In A. J. Marsella, M. J. Friedman, E. T. Gerrity, & R. M. Scurfield (Eds.), Ethnocultural aspects of posttraumatic stress disorder: Issues, research, and clinical applications (pp. 319–347). American Psychological Association. doi.org

Elbogen, E. B., Johnson, S. C., Wagner, H. R., Newton, V. M., & Beckham, J. C. (2014). Protective factors and risk modification of violence in Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans. Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 75(11), e1189–e1196. doi.org

Elbogen, E. B., Fuller, S., Johnson, S. C., Brooks, S., Kinneer, P., & Moore, S. D. (2010). Improving risk assessment of violence among military veterans: An evidence-based approach for clinical practice. Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 71(9), 1154–1160. doi.org.

Hundt, N. E., Robinson, A., Arney, J., Stanley, M. A., & Cully, J. A. (2015). "It made me realize I wasn't alone": A qualitative study of peer support for veterans with PTSD. Psychological Services, 12(4), 430–438. doi.org

Hurley, E. C. (2018). Effective treatment of veterans with PTSD: Comparison between intensive daily and weekly EMDR approaches. Frontiers in Psychology, 9, 1458. doi.org

Jayatunge, R. M. (2013). Shell shock to Palali syndrome: PTSD Sri Lankan experience. Sarasavi Publishers.

Miles, S. R., Menefee, D. S., Wanner, J., Thompson, K. E., & Young-Xu, Y. (2015). The relationship between emotion dysregulation and impulsive aggression in a military veteran sample. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 30, 139–144. doi.org

Orth, U., & Wieland, E. (2006). Anger, hostility, and posttraumatic stress disorder in trauma-exposed adults: A meta-analysis. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 74(4), 698–706. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-006X.74.4.698.

Saffari, M., Lin, C.-Y., Koenig, H. G., O’Garo, K.-G. N., Broström, A., & Pakpour, A. H. (2021). Mediating role of anxiety and depression in the relationship between PTSD and aggression. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 26(1), 74–91. doi.org.

Schuck, E. (2020). Combat Brotherhood: Disabled Soviet-Afghan War Veterans, Traumatic Masculinity and the Mafia State (Doctoral dissertation). This work specifically examines how traumatized veterans became the foundation for criminal organizations in the 1990s.

Taylor, E. N., Timko, C., Nash, A., Owens, M. D., Harris, A. H., & Finlay, A. K. (2020). Posttraumatic stress disorder and justice involvement among military veterans: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 33(5), 804–812. doi.org

Van der Kolk, B. A. (1989). The compulsion to repeat the trauma: Re-enactment, revictimization, and masochism. Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 12(2), 389–411.

Watkins, L. E., Sprang, K. R., & Rothbaum, B. O. (2018). Posttraumatic stress disorder: Review of evidence-based treatment protocols. Expert Review of Neurotherapeutics, 18(10), 767–780. doi.org

ෆීලික්ස් ආර්. ඩයස් බණ්ඩාරනායක

 

ෆීලික්ස් ආර්. ඩයස් බණ්ඩාරනායක කියන්නේ අපේ දේශපාලන විශ්ලේෂකයෝ සමාජ විද්‍යාඥයෝ අධ්‍යනය නොකරපු චරිතයක්. ෆීලික්ස් කියන්නේ ප්‍රභූ දේශපාලකයෙක්. ඔහු ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් දුන්න ඉන්ටවිව් එකක් බැලවා. අන්තිම වසර 30 ඇතුලත අපේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හිටපු කිසිම කෙනෙකුට ඒ විදියට චතුර ලෙස තර්කානුකූලව කතා කරන්න බෑ. බුද්ධිමත් අනාගතය දුටු දේශපාලකයෙක්. බොරු රඟපෑම් කලේ නැති නිසා පීඩිත පන්තියේ ජනයා අතර ජනප්‍රිය උනේ නෑ. නිදහස් වෙලඳ කලාප බිහි කරන්න සැලැස්ම ඔහු තුල තිබ්බා. නමුත් එන් එම් ලා ඒවාට පොල්ල දැම්මා. හොරකම් කලේ නෑ.  ඒ වගේම සිරිමව බැක් කරන්න ෆීලික්ස් ඩයස් වගේ ඇල්ෆා මේල් කෙනෙක් හිටියා. 71 කැරැල්ල කුඩු පට්ටම් කරන්නේ ෆීලික්ස් ඩයස්.  නිර්දය චරිතයක්. නමුත් දෙබිඩි චරිතයක් නෙවෙයි. 

කැසබියන්කා සහ අන්ධ කීකරුකම

ළමා කාලයේදී  විශේෂයෙන් පෙර පාසලේදී අපට වැඩිහිටියන්ට කීකරු වීම පිලිබඳව කියා දෙනු ලැබීය​. ඒ සඳහා ගුරුවරියන් බොහෝ විට යොදා ගත්තේ කැසබියන්කාගේ කතාවයි. 

කැසබියන්කා ගේ පියා නැව්පතියෙකු විය​. වරක් කැසබියන්කා පියා සමග සමුද්‍ර ගමනක  යෙදුනේය​. හදිසියේම නැවේ ගින්නක් හට ගත් අතර පියා ඔහුට නැවේ ඉහල ඩෙක් තට්ටුවේ රැඳී ඉන්නට නියෝග කොට ගින්න නිවීම සඳහා පහත මාලයට ගියේය​. නැවේ ගින්නෙන් පියා සහ කාර්‍යමණ්ඩලය මිය යන ලදි. ගින්න තව තවත් පැතිරුනි. පියාගේ නියෝගය නිසා නැවේ ඉහල ඩෙක් තට්ටුවෙන් කැසබියන්කා ඉවත් වූයේ නැත​. ගින්න නැවේ ඉහල ඩෙක් තට්ටුවටද ආවේය​. පියාගේ නියෝගය නිසා කැසබියන්කා පැන දිව්වේද නැත​. අවසානයේදී කැසබියන්කා ගින්නට ගොදුරු විය​. 

මේ කතාව වැඩිහිටියන් අපට කියන ලද්දේ කීකරුකම සඳහා උදාහරණක් ලෙසිනි . එසේම ඔවුන් කැසබියන්කා වීරත්වයට නං වන ලදි. එහෙත් මේ කතාව ඇසීමේදී මට කැසබියන්කා අන්ධ ලෙසින් වැඩිහිටි නියෝග පිලිපැද ඇති බවක් හැඟුනි. ගින්න වර්ධනය වෙත්ම කැසබියන්කා ජීවිතාරක්‍ෂක බෝට්ටුවක් කරා පලා නොගියේ මන්ද ? කියා මට ඒ කාලයේ සිතුනි. 

"Casabianca" is a poem by the English poet Felicia Dorothea Hemans, first published in The Monthly Magazine, Vol 2, August 1826

The poem starts:  

The boy stood on the burning deck 

Whence all but he had fled; 

The flame that lit the battle's wreck 

Shone round him o'er the dead.

The story takes place during the Battle of the Nile (1798), a naval conflict between the British and French fleets. A young boy (around 10–13 years old) named Giocante Casabianca is stationed at his post on the French flagship, L'Orient, by his father, the ship's commander. His father tells him not to leave his post until he is given permission. During the battle, the ship catches fire and the crew flees. Unbeknownst to the boy, his father has already been mortally wounded or killed below deck and cannot hear his calls. As the flames surround him, the boy repeatedly calls out, "Say, Father, say / If yet my task is done?". Receiving no answer but the sound of battle, he refuses to desert his post out of duty and love for his father. The fire eventually reaches the ship's powder magazine, causing a massive explosion that destroys the vessel and kills the boy. The poem was long used in schools to teach children the importance of following a parent's word, even in the face of death.

The Afghan Affair

 

 

I was enjoying a cup of coffee while conversing with Sarlashed and Sithara, two young female medical students from Afghanistan. As we spoke, an Afghan student passed by and cast a disapproving glance at the girls, who were freely engaging with me without head coverings. Sarlashed, a westernized Afghan who spent her childhood in West Germany, expressed her disdain for the fundamentalist Islamic regime in her home country. She lit a cigarette from her Rothmans packet and remarked on the uncertain future of Afghanistan, declaring her intention not to return after completing her medical degree, as she plans to migrate to the West.

It was 1986, and the Soviet troops were in Afghanistan. As we heard, the Soviet troops were facing a dire situation there. Afghans are born warriors, and even the British army could not defeat them. In the film Rambo 3, a line captures the fierce and combative reputation of Afghans, stating, "May God deliver us from the venom of the cobra, the teeth of the tiger, and the vengeance of the Afghan." During my time at the Vinnitsa medical faculty in Ukraine, I encountered around 25 Afghan students, some of whom had fought against the Mujahedin. One student, Abed, shared with me the tragic story of how the Mujahedin killed two of his brothers for their collaboration with Russian soldiers.

Horashid Aga Safi was an Afghan female student, and we frequently crossed paths at the faculty. Her father held a senior position in the Afghan Army, and her family lived in Kandahar, where they endured a devastating rocket attack that nearly destroyed their home.  She shared extensive insights into Afghan culture, cuisine, and the contrasting lifestyles found in urban areas versus remote, underdeveloped mountain regions. Additionally, I became aware of the societal position of women in Afghanistan, where patriarchal norms often restrict their rights and freedoms under the guise of religious beliefs.

It became evident to me that many Afghan students harboured a strong dislike for the Soviet troops occupying their country, with some even secretly admiring the combat prowess of the Mujahedin. Horashid recounted an incident where an Afghan military officer covertly shared intelligence with the Mujahedin, enabling them to ambush a Soviet convoy. Much like the U.S. soldiers in Vietnam, the Soviets found themselves up against a cunning and elusive enemy in the rugged Afghan mountains.

Several Soviet films, including the 1991 production Afghan Breakdown featuring Italian actor Michele Placido and The 9th Company, depicted the realities of the Soviet-Afghan conflict. Official figures released by the Soviet Union towards the war's conclusion indicated 13,310 fatalities, 35,478 injuries, and 311 individuals classified as missing in action.

During the nine-year conflict in Afghanistan from 1979 to 1989, an estimated 620,000 to 750,000 Soviet troops were deployed. Among the medical students in my faculty, a few had firsthand experience in the Afghan war. In my first year, I shared living quarters with two Soviet medical students who had served there. Sergi (Sergei), who was wounded during his service, frequently expressed his struggles with back pain, while Victor exhibited signs of psychological distress stemming from his experiences in the war. Sergi seldom discussed his experiences during the war in Afghanistan and often expressed a reluctance to engage in conversations about that period.

Victor's transformation after returning from Afghanistan was strikingly evident to his family and friends. Having faced intense combat in Kandahar against the Mujahedin rebels, he suffered a concussion, which severely impacted his ability to focus on his studies, leading to failing grades. As a young student, I was passionate about rock and heavy metal music, often playing tracks from bands like AC/DC, Whitesnake, Black Sabbath, Deep Purple and Metallica. However, Victor became increasingly agitated by the loud sounds, frequently requesting that I turn off the music, revealing his sensitivity to noise.

His temper flared easily, and he often found himself in conflicts. On two occasions, I found myself in physical confrontations with him. Sergi consistently acted as a mediator, stepping in whenever tensions rose.  As I noticed sleep eluded him, plagued by nightmares. Victor resorted to consuming large amounts of vodka at dinner before seeking solace in sleep, further deteriorating his health. He rarely spoke of his experiences in Afghanistan, but one winter evening, while sharing a cup of Ceylon tea, he mentioned Chefeer, a drink soldiers made in the army. He explained that during his time in Afghanistan, they often consumed this concentrated Georgian tea, which provided a much-needed boost to combat the isolation felt in the Afghan mountains. For almost a year, I shared a room with Victor, which proved to be quite challenging for me. Fortunately, by the third year, I was able to separate from him.

During the Soviet-Afghan War, the United States provided support to the Mujahedin by supplying financial aid and military equipment, including Stinger missiles. Sylvester Stallone dedicated his film Rambo III to the gallant people of Afghanistan (Mujahedin fighters?).  Following the September 11 attacks, President George W. Bush deployed American troops to Afghanistan, where they encountered Mujahedin fighters once again. In 2006, I spoke with a U.S. Marine at Colmery-O'Neil Veterans' Administration Medical Center in Kansas, who remarked that the Russians had been effectively managing the situation before the U.S. intervened, suggesting that the current challenges were a consequence of that disruption. His observation held a degree of truth, reflecting the complex legacy of foreign involvement in Afghanistan.

In 2009, I encountered an intriguing individual named Mirwise from Afghanistan at a Tim Hortons coffee shop in Toronto. Recently arrived in Canada, he was employed as a baker at the establishment. Mirwise had picked up many Russian words during his time in Afghanistan, primarily from interactions with Russian soldiers. However, most of the vocabulary he acquired consisted of profanities. His words prompted an uncontrollable fit of laughter from me.

I often ponder the reasons behind the stagnation of Afghan society in the realms of science and technology.  In my opinion, the regression of Afghan society in the realms of science and technology can be attributed to several factors, including decades of relentless conflict and political turmoil. The influence of radical ideologies has further marginalized women, hindering their access to education and opportunities. Additionally, a pervasive sense of xenophobia has contributed to an environment that stifles innovation and progress, ultimately impeding the country's development in these critical areas.

In 2024, I had the honor of delivering a lecture on the psychological management of work-related stress to a group of Afghan doctors. This initiative was coordinated by Captain Sumedha Mirihana from the MLTC International. During my discussions with these doctors, I had the opportunity to exchange perspectives on the Taliban government and address various human rights concerns. It appeared to me that the Afghan Taliban is attempting to engage with the international community through initiatives such as cricket and other outreach efforts.

Afghanistan boasts a striking and diverse beauty, encompassing dramatic mountain landscapes, high-altitude lakes, and a rich historical heritage. Afghan society is built on strong community bonds and deeply held values, including exceptional hospitality, unwavering family loyalty, and personal honor. However, this vibrant nation currently endures a "fragile peace" rather than genuine stability, hampered by severe humanitarian crises, pervasive human rights issues, and governance challenges.

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge

Buddhist Jātaka Tales and Oedipal Themes

 

 

 Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. PhD

The Buddhist Jātaka tales represent a substantial collection of folklore, consisting of 547 poems. Archaeological and literary evidence suggests that these stories were compiled between the 3rd Century B.C. and the 5th Century A.D. As noted by Professor Rhys Davids, the Jātaka tales are among the oldest fables known to us. Jātaka Tales provide deep insights into the human mind, analyzing behavior through a "case method" long before modern Western psychology (Harischandra, 1998).

It is noteworthy that the Buddhist Jātaka tales explore themes of father-son conflict and the Oedipal complex (Jayatunge, 2015). These narratives explore into the complexities of familial relationships, highlighting the struggles and tensions that can arise between generations.

The Oedipus complex consists of a configuration of conscious and unconscious desires, affects (love, hate, jealousy, rivalry, admiration, guilt), fantasies, prohibitions, but also relationships and identifications between a child and his parents, mother and father. It involves two forms, positive and negative: the positive one consists of a son's incestuous desires for his mother, a hostile desire for death, and jealousy and rivalry towards his father. While the negative one consists of a homosexual desire for his father, it also includes a feeling of admiration and a feeling of rivalry, jealousy, and hostile impulses towards his mother. This Oedipus complex should evolve due to the castration threat towards its dissolution and the process of a double identification, male and female, with the parents; for the son, the male identification would be predominant, while for the daughter, the female one would be predominant. Both these identifications will form the core of the child's superego as the heir of the Oedipus complex and the castration threat.

In Totem and Taboo, Freud argued that this complex was universal, suggesting a shared and psychological blueprint for all humans, regardless of culture. The Oedipus complex is found in ancient fables and myths across many cultures.

The Oedipus complex, a concept originating from Freudian psychoanalysis, can be observed in various narratives within the Buddhist Jātaka Tales.  These tales often explore complex familial relationships and the psychological struggles of individuals, mirroring the themes of desire, conflict, and resolution found in the Oedipus complex. In several Jātaka stories, characters grapple with their relationships to parental figures, revealing deep-seated emotions and conflicts that resonate with the essence of the Oedipus complex.

In the Asilakkhana Jataka, (in Buddhist Jātaka tales), also known as Jataka 126, the narrative unfolds with the birth of a prince, whose arrival is met with foreboding predictions from a seer. The prognosticator ominously foretells that this young royal will one day become a formidable rival to his father, the reigning king. This prophecy instills a deep-seated fear in the king, prompting him to take drastic measures to isolate the prince from any potential threats to his rule. As the story progresses, the prince, driven by ambition and the desire for power, ultimately resorts to treachery, plotting to assassinate his father in a bid to seize the throne. Complicating the dynamics further, the queen, who serves as a maternal figure to the prince, becomes entangled in this web of conflict, highlighting the intricate relationships and moral dilemmas that arise from the pursuit of power and the fear of rivalry within a royal lineage.

The Asilakkhana Jataka and the story of Oedipus Rex share intriguing thematic similarities, particularly in their exploration of fate, identity, and the consequences of one's actions. In both narratives, the protagonists are confronted with prophecies that dictate their destinies, leading them to a tragic realization of their circumstances. The Asilakkhana Jataka and the story of Oedipus Rex share a fascinating historical connection. However, there is no consensus among historians that they share a common historical origin.

Ethologists and evolutionary psychologists (like Edward O. Wilson) note that in many social species, the "Oedipal" dynamic is a literal reality of survival (Wilson, 1975).  In many monkey species, young males must eventually challenge the dominant "alpha" (often their father) to gain status and reproductive access to females (De Waal, 1982). 

The Thayo Darma Jātakaya, part of the Buddhist Jātaka Tales, explores themes reminiscent of the Oedipal complex within a monkey kingdom. This story narrates a poignant tale of conflict between a father and his son, set against the backdrop of a jungle kingdom ruled by a tyrannical monkey king. This father, driven by a fear of potential threats to his authority, resorts to a brutal practice of mutilating the genitals of male infant monkeys, thereby ensuring that no rival can emerge to challenge his reign. In a further display of dominance, he hoards all the female monkeys for himself, rendering other males impotent and effectively eliminating competition (castration by the father responding to the son’s wish for the father's death).

However, one male infant monkey manages to escape this grim fate, finding refuge in a secluded part of the jungle where he is nurtured by his mother, who secretly provides for him. This bond fosters a deep emotional attachment, leading the young monkey to harbor resentment towards his father for the cruel actions taken against his kind. As he matures into a formidable adult, the son emerges from his hidden sanctuary, emboldened by his mother's love and his own desire for justice. In a climactic confrontation, he challenges his father, ultimately overcoming him in a fierce battle, and ascends to the throne as the new king, symbolizing the triumph of resilience and the quest for rightful leadership.

The Thayo Darma Jātakaya can be considered a powerful symbolic narrative of human behavior, specifically focusing on the psychology of jealousy, fear of displacement, and the destructive nature of power. While the Western Freudian model focuses on the son’s desire to displace the father, this Jātaka story expresses the projection of the son's fear of castration, which is a father’s threat as a punishment for both desires, incestuous with the mother and the death of the father.

Sri Lankan anthropologist Gananath Obeyesekere posits that within the Buddhist framework, the Oedipal conflict is frequently resolved when a son chooses to become a monk. This decision to embrace celibacy and renounce familial ties allows the son to symbolically sever his connections to his family role, effectively alleviating the rivalry with the father and the longing for the mother without resorting to physical confrontation (Obeyesekere, 1990).

In the Buddhist Jātaka Tales, the conflict between a son and his father can be reinterpreted as a form of religious virtue. This transformation highlights the potential for personal growth and moral development arising from familial rivalry, suggesting that such struggles may ultimately lead to greater spiritual understanding and enlightenment.

Buddhist Jātaka Tales reinterpret Oedipal desires as expressions of craving and influences from previous lives. These narratives illustrate how such detrimental mental states contribute to a continuous cycle of suffering and unfavorable rebirths.

The primary distinction between the Freudian Oedipal complex and its Buddhist equivalent is found in how each framework addresses the underlying conflict. Freud's theory is characterized by a tragic and inescapable cycle of violence.  In contrast, the Buddhist Jātaka narratives view conflict as an opportunity for spiritual growth and renunciation, transforming potential turmoil into a path to enlightenment.

  

 Acknowledgement: Dr. Eric Smadja, Psychiatrist-psychoanalyst (adults and couples) based in Paris, member of the Société psychanalytique de Paris, of the International Psychoanalytical Association; anthropologist, associate member of the American Anthropological Association and member of the Society for Psychological Anthropology.

 

References

De Waal, F. (1982). Chimpanzee Politics: Power and Sex among Apes. Jonathan Cape.

Freud, S. (1910). A Special Type of Choice of Object Made by Men. In The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, Volume XI (1910): Five Lectures on Psycho-Analysis, Leonardo da Vinci and Other Works (pp. 163–176).

Freud, S. (1913/1950). Totem and Taboo: Resemblances between the psychic lives of savages and neurotics (J. Strachey, Trans.). W. W. Norton & Company.

Harischandra, D. V. J. (1998). Psychiatric Aspects of Jataka Stories.  Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Jayatunge, R. M. (2015). Psychological Aspects of Buddhist Jātaka Stories. Colombo: S. Godage.

Obeyesekere, G. (1990). The Work of Culture: Symbolic Transformation in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology. University of Chicago Press.

Rhys Davids, T. W. (1880). Buddhist Birth Stories; or, Jātaka Tales. The Oldest Collection of Folklore Extant: Being the Jātakatthavaṇṇanā. London: Trübner & Co. Gutenberg.

Wilson, E. O. (1975). Sociobiology: The New Synthesis. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.