Wednesday, July 2, 2025

The Evolutionary Origins of Faith in Humans

  



 

 

Faith is a belief and trust in and loyalty to a person, to a force, or to an institution. It is a strong belief or trust in something or someone, often involving acceptance of things that cannot be proven or directly observed.  

Religious faith is trust and belief in a deity, spiritual force, or religious doctrines. Religious faith often has no intellectual validation. It’s a belief without total scientific proof. Some skeptics indicate religious faith as belief without evidence. Secular faith does not rely on traditional religious doctrines or supernatural beliefs and puts more emphasis on human experience and rational explanations. Secular faith is built on a systematic way of acquiring knowledge about the natural world through observation and experimentation.  

Non-religious faith refers to a belief system, ethical framework, or worldview that is not based on religious teachings or supernatural explanations. It has a wide range of perspectives, including atheism, agnosticism, and humanism. In non-religious faith, there is no traditional or supernatural sense; instead, there is faith in humanity's ability to reason.

The human has the capacity to seek meaning and explanations for the world around them. The origins of faith can be explained through evolutionary psychology and anthropology. Faith is intertwined with social structures, community dynamics, and cultural contexts. Social interactions, shared beliefs, group dynamics, and collective identity significantly influence individual faith.  A combination of evolutionary and cultural factors, including the development of imagination, gave rise to faith in humans.

People make sense of their social worlds through communication and social interaction, and this process is known as the symbolic interactionist perspective. In symbolic interactionism, faith is understood as a dynamic, socially constructed phenomenon shaped by ongoing interactions and interpretations. Faith is shaped by interpretations.

Religious symbols and rituals promote shaping faith in an individual. Through shared interpretations of symbols and participation in rituals, they augment the core beliefs and faith. According to symbolic interactionism, faith is not static. Because meanings are constantly being negotiated and reinterpreted.  

The concept of faith is shaped by societal factors and interactions. The concept of faith is not directly a biological adaptation. It emerged and evolved alongside other cognitive and social developments in humans.

The capacity to understand that others have their own thoughts, beliefs, and intentions evolved during the early stages of human evolution, specifically within the hominin lineage. (The hominin lineage refers to the evolutionary branch that includes modern humans and all our extinct ancestors since the split from the last common ancestor with chimpanzees). Early hominins exhibited ritualistic behaviors, which may be precursors to religious belief.  

Early humans developed faith through a combination of factors, including the need to explain the unknown and a sense of awe and wonder at the natural world. Some evidence suggests religious practices may have emerged in the Upper Paleolithic period (around 50,000 years ago). Australopithecus that lived in Africa from about 4.2 to 1.4 million years ago are categorized as pre-religious hominins.

Neanderthals lived from approximately 400,000 years ago to around 40,000 years ago and had proto-religious practices. It’s difficult to say that Neanderthals had a concept of faith; however, they had symbolic understanding of death and possibly an afterlife.  

Early humans attributed spirits or souls to natural objects and phenomena, leading to animistic beliefs and practices. They attributed agency to inanimate objects or natural events, leading to the development of religious beliefs. Furthermore, religion evolved to enhance group survival by fostering cooperation and reducing conflict.  

The Neolithic period began roughly 12,000 years ago with the advent of agriculture in the Near East and Mesopotamia. Neolithic religious beliefs focused on fertility, nature, and the cycle of life and death, with a strong emphasis on animism and ancestor veneration. In the Neolithic period (also known as the New Stone Age), the concept of “faith” emerged, and this is evident through various forms of religious practices and beliefs observed in archaeological findings.  

The Indus Valley Civilization, including Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, which existed from approximately 3300 BCE to 1300 BCE, had a religion that focused on nature and fertility. The key aspects of their faith were based on the Mother Goddess. Ancient Egyptian civilization, beginning around 3100 BC and ending around 30 BC, worshipped many gods and goddesses, each associated with specific aspects of life and nature. Their faith was based on polytheism.

Zoroastrianism is one of the world's oldest monotheistic religions, believed to have been founded in the 6th or 7th century BC. It was a monotheistic religion. The key aspect of the Zoroastrian faith is its dualistic cosmology.  

Hinduism originated in the Indus Valley Civilization, around 2300-1500 BCE. Faith is a central aspect of Hinduism, and it centers around the belief in a supreme God, Brahman. The concept of Brahman is the ultimate reality and source of all existence.  

In Buddhism (which originated in the 6th or 5th century BCE), faith is a deep-seated confidence rooted in understanding and experience rather than blind belief. In Buddhism, faith arises from personal understanding and experience, encouraging exploration and insight rather than blind acceptance.  

In Ancient Roman (753 BC - 476 AD) religion was influenced by both Greek and Etruscan traditions. Their faith was expressed through a polytheistic religion focused on rituals, sacrifices, and the worship of numerous gods and spirits.  

Pre-Christian faiths encompassed a wide array of religious beliefs and practices. It centered on polytheism and nature worship. They worshiped multiple gods and goddesses. Their faith was based on animistic beliefs.  

The core belief in Christianity centers on the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, who Christians believe is the Son of God and the savior of humanity. Faith is absolutely central to Christianity. In Christianity, faith is understood as a belief in God, particularly in Jesus Christ, and a trust in His promises and teachings.  

In Islam, faith, or Iman, is a fundamental concept encompassing belief in six core articles: God (Allah), His angels, His books, His prophets, the Day of Judgment, and divine decree. Faith forms the foundation for all acts of worship and is a prerequisite for their validity.  

The relationship between faith and politics is multifaceted. Faith can impact people's views on social and political issues. Politicians can misuse faith by manipulating religious messages, facts, institutions, and sentiments to fulfill their egoistic political goals.

Faith has a profound impact on society. Faith offers a framework for meaning-making, hope, and connectedness. Sociology studies faith as a social phenomenon, examining its impact on individuals, groups, and societies. It analyzes how people's faith shapes social norms.

In psychology, faith is understood as a fundamental human phenomenon related to meaning-making, involving a belief system and trust in something beyond what is immediately apparent. Faith is a broader human capacity to imagine an ultimate environment and base one's worldview and actions on it.

In neuropsychological terms, faith is a complex cognitive and emotional process. Faith can influence brain activity and structure. Research indicates that religious beliefs can activate the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, a region associated with self-representation, emotional associations, and goal-directed behavior.

Faith is often believed to have a role in healing, and faith can facilitate healing. The placebo effect, stress reduction, and altered states of consciousness play a key role in faith healing. The power of belief influences physical and mental well-being. Psychological explanations focus on the mind's capacity to impact the body, including stress reduction, improved coping mechanisms, and even immune system activation.  

Faith is foundational to human civilization, providing individuals and societies with a sense of purpose, community, and resilience. Faith often brings people together, creating communities based on shared beliefs and values. It gives a sense of purpose and moral grounding. Faith can significantly impact mental health. Faith can reduce tension and anxiety, diminish self-blame, stabilize emotional status, and improve self-knowledge. Faith, in its various forms, provides a crucial foundation for individuals and societies in navigating the complexities of the future.

 (Written and Complied by Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. PhD )

 

 

Sunday, June 29, 2025

Exposure to Reality vs. Fantasy in the Formative Years of Children

 




Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D PhD 


The formative years refer to the critical period in a child's life, typically ranging from birth to around eight years, and this period is vital for emotional, cognitive, and social development. Early childhood experiences from birth to age eight affect the development of the brain's architecture.

Brain changes reflect psychological maturity. This is a crucial and sensitive period that needs a nurturing environment and attentive care. During this time period, the child is exposed to numerous mental and emotional challenges. These challenges and experiences help to mold the child's motivation, self-regulation, empathy, problem-solving, communication, and self-esteem. Furthermore, children learn many of the skills that help them to function in society in a more effective way.

The child's learning and education create a major impact in the formative years. It is a critical window of opportunity to thrive. It provides the foundation for all future learning, behavior, and health. A formative experience strongly influences future adult life.

A baby's brain starts developing in the womb. At just six weeks, the embryo's brain and nervous system begin to develop. The brain grows starting before birth and continuing into early childhood. The research indicates that the brain doubles in size in the first year. In the first few years of life, more than one million neural connections are formed each second. It keeps growing to about 80% of adult size by age 3 and 90%—nearly fully grown—by age 5. During this time period, exposure to positive interactions, secure attachment with the parents, and safe and supportive environments promote healthy physical and mental development.

A child’s interaction with the outer environment is most important, and it influences their brain development. The child's brain is highly plastic and responsive to change. Their experiences alter the brain structure. Fruitful and positive brain development requires a healthy and stimulating environment, adequate nutrients, and positive social interaction with attentive, reciprocal caregivers.

Stress and anxiety generating negative experiences disrupt the brain’s architecture, affecting a child’s ability to learn and grow. If a child is deprived of play, positive stimulation, and healthy interaction with their parents and caregivers, it affects their overall development with a long-lasting, detrimental impact.

Children are more able to project themselves into a fantasy world. This could be interpreted as an early defensive mechanism in children. Imagination and magical thinking are a crucial developmental phase for children. Around the age of two, children begin to play pretend. Having an imaginary companion is an example of children's pretend play. Often, they use realistic toys to mimic familiar events. This type of play helps to enhance their creativity, communication skills, and emotional regulation and improve critical thinking.

Children learn what they live. Children are able to distinguish between reality and fantasy. by the age of 3 to 5. Children often form their beliefs about reality. For some children, the lines between reality and imagination/fantasy are less clear. Between the ages of 7 and 11, children start to think more logically, and they tend to focus on realism.

As described by the famous child psychologist Jean Piaget, magical thinking is most prominent in children between ages two and seven. Young preschoolers tend to believe everything they see on TV is real. In preschool years, children's fantasy-reality differentiation undergoes significant development. According to one US-based study, four-year-old participants believed Big Bird from Sesame Street was real. In contrast, 5- to 6-year-old participants knew that Big Bird was a person wearing a costume.

Exposure to reality rather than fantasy in childhood is important. Exposure to reality prepares them for the real world! It helps them to discover “realities of life” and face life challenges with courage and determination.

Teaching children fantasy vs. reality is a challenge for the parents. Research suggests that children are more thoughtful about the differences between fantasy and reality than they may appear to adults. Children hold some clear distinction between the real and the imaginary. Children are more engaged and attentive when they see events that challenge their understanding of how reality works.

Researcher Venus Ho (2024) states that although stories for children often feature supernatural and fantastical events, children themselves often prefer realistic events when choosing what should happen in a story. Venus Ho indicates that children avoid including fantastic events in fiction and suggests that children use precedent and familiarity to decide what can happen in a story.

Children start to make sense of their world via play. Child play promotes personal growth, social connection, and engagement. Play provides children an opportunity to achieve mastery of their environment. and control it through their imagination. By engaging in play, they build physical, social, and intellectual skills. Play allows children to safely explore their fears and practice adult roles.

Children should engage in sand and mud play. Sand and mud play is good for their tactile stimulation. It is a sensory experience that enhances their tactile and cognitive development. Also, this type of play encourages exploration and creativity in them. Some experts point out that playing with sand and mud can be a calming and therapeutic experience for children.

A child learns about his environment through play with physical objects. Providing toys for children is a healthy option. When selecting toys, it's important to give them toys that appeal to their sensory-motor and intellectual needs. The toys should help the child to think, create, and imagine. Toys help to enrich play and support children's development. Furthermore, toys lay the foundation for improving cognitive and motor skills.

Some parents facilitate the children making their own toys. It stimulates creativity in children. In addition, it facilitates conceptual understanding. It gives a unique experience and satisfaction to the child.












Thursday, June 26, 2025

Call me Ishmael

 




 

Call me Ishmael
I am the narrator; I am the central consciousness
I am the one who witnessed Pequod's destiny
I saw Ahab; his nature of insanity
He was running against time and fighting against reality
I touched the rational mind of first mate Starbuck
He became the emblem of resistance to unjust authority
I felt the conflict between man and his universe
It was a dramatic story filled with gaps
The story has nothing but alienation, rebellion, doubt, and doom
We were searching for something we could never find
Finally, we all realized Moby Dick was an impersonal life force



Ruwan M Jayatunge

Monday, June 16, 2025

Interview with Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge by Jaffna Monitor News Magazine, on War Trauma in Post-War Sri Lanka (June 2025)

 



Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge is a Sri Lankan-born medical doctor and mental health professional whose work has spanned continents and conflict zones. A former commissioned officer in the Sri Lankan Army, he treated soldiers at the Colombo Military Hospital, becoming one of the first in the country to study and document the psychosocial effects of PTSD. With advanced training in psychiatry, trauma-informed therapy, addiction psychology, and neuropsychology from institutions in Canada, the UK, and the USA. Dr. Jayatunge brings a rare blend of field experience and academic insight. He holds a PhD in psychology and has authored numerous books and peer-reviewed articles in collaboration with global experts, including Prof. Daya Somasundaram (University of Jaffna) Professor  Bou Khalil ( an academic researcher from University of Balamand)  Dr. Marina Stal ( Columbia University  New York USA), Professor Mieczyslaw Pokorski ( Opole University) and Dr. Neil Fernando (General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University). Dr. Jayatunge continues to lecture globally on war trauma, PTSD, and healing.


Do you feel the state and public health system adequately responded to the civilian mental health crisis following the war? What, in your opinion, could have been done differently?

Unfortunately, the state and public health system failed to adequately address the mental health crisis that emerged from the armed conflict. A significant number of psychological casualties remain—among military personnel, former LTTE members, and civilians alike. Many trauma-related psychological wounds remain unhealed, undiagnosed, and untreated. Our society continues to bear the deep scars of war trauma, which manifest in various forms such as self-harm, social unrest, crime, child abuse, domestic violence, substance addiction, and political violence. These are not isolated issues—they are symptoms of a society grappling with unresolved psychological pain. We are living in a traumatized society that urgently needs healing, structured psychosocial support, and genuine reconciliation.


Is there sufficient mental health support for trauma victims today in government hospitals and public clinics in conflict-affected areas?

There is a prevailing notion among authorities that the armed conflict ended in 2009, and therefore, there is no longer a need to address war-related issues. This mindset has led to a convenient forgetting of the psychological and social consequences of the war. However, the reality is quite different. We are still not providing adequate support or treatment for war victims. The trauma of war continues to echo across Sri Lankan society. The conflict has become embedded in our collective social experience and memory. Many of the social problems we face today—whether directly or indirectly—are rooted in unresolved war trauma.


Based on your experience in trauma psychology, how deep and widespread is untreated combat trauma among Sri Lankan soldiers after 2009?

The very first study on Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) among Sri Lankan combatants was conducted by Dr. Neil Fernando, Consultant Psychiatrist to the Sri Lanka Army, and me. Between 2002 and 2006, we clinically interviewed 824 soldiers who had been referred to the psychiatric unit of the military hospital, using the DSM-IV criteria. From this group, we identified 56 individuals with full-blown PTSD. However, it's crucial to note that our sample was not randomly selected. These were not ordinary troops but individuals who had already exhibited psychological red flags—such as symptoms of depression, sudden behavioral changes, disciplinary issues, or psychosomatic complaints. They had been referred specifically for psychiatric evaluation, meaning our study did not capture the broader prevalence of PTSD among the military. In reality, we believe the incidence of PTSD among soldiers rose significantly by 2009 and likely escalated further after the war ended. A substantial number of combatants continue to suffer from war-induced psychological distress—many of them undiagnosed, untreated, and enduring their pain in silence. Delayed PTSD is a well-documented phenomenon, and it remains a critical concern in post-conflict settings like Sri Lanka. Throughout the war, soldiers were repeatedly exposed to severe psychological trauma. Most acute stress reactions went unnoticed or unaddressed. Emotional overwhelm was common, yet there was no robust system in place to detect trauma early or provide psychological first aid. Many soldiers continued to operate in high-stress combat zones, quietly carrying the burden of invisible wounds. For some, the diagnosis of PTSD came only years later. A particularly stark indicator of this mental health crisis emerged in the immediate aftermath of the war. Between 2009 and 2012, the military spokesman confirmed that nearly 400 soldiers had died by suicide. This staggering figure offers just a glimpse into the depth and scale of psychological trauma borne by our servicemen. Even today, we hear of ex-servicemen involved in violent crimes or social disturbances. These visible cases are only the tip of the iceberg. Beneath them lies a vast, largely hidden crisis of unaddressed psychological trauma among Sri Lanka’s war veterans.


In what ways does unresolved trauma among ex-soldiers manifest in civilian life—particularly in terms of violence, substance abuse, or erratic behavior?

It is like a time bomb—it may remain hidden for years, but it can explode unexpectedly, harming not only the ex-combatant but also their family members and others around them. These deep, untreated mental wounds don’t always stay buried. They often resurface in various ways—sometimes as aggression, either turned inward as self-harm or outward toward others. Family and relationship problems are common. Many struggle to reintegrate into society, often feeling alienated or emotionally distant. They may turn to addictive behaviors to cope while also avoiding people, situations, or even memories that trigger their pain. Occupational challenges are frequent, as are distorted beliefs about themselves and the world around them. Alarmingly, some begin to distrust the very systems designed to support them—including healthcare providers and therapists. There’s also a recurring sense of being revictimized, accompanied by an overwhelming need to constantly protect themselves. In some cases, this leads to attempts to control or even victimize others. On a deeper level, many lose their core beliefs and their inner sense of identity. They grapple with intense emotions—rage, despair, guilt, shame, and deep self-loathing—yet find it hard to express what they’re going through. Some even suffer from alexithymia, the inability to describe their feelings in words.


Have you encountered signs of institutional or collective denial in addressing the psychological impact on Sri Lankan soldiers? Why do you think this remains under-addressed?

For a number of years, the Sri Lankan authorities were reluctant to believe that combat-related PTSD was emerging in the military. PTSD was regarded as an American illness, and there was an unofficial taboo to use the term PTSD. The tension of combat trauma was mounting in the military over the years, and there had been suicides and self-harm reported from the battlefields. The soldiers affected by war trauma had behavioral problems, and their productivity was plummeting. Many soldiers who had positive features of combat-related PTSD without any physical wounds were compelled to serve in the operational areas and engage in active combat. They were psychologically wounded soldiers with severe avoidance. In the early days of the war, soldiers were sometimes charged with malingering when they tried to seek medical attention. Because of this, many traumatized veterans deserted the army or joined underworld criminal gangs. Throughout the war, the Army had no military psychologists and had no full-time psychiatrist until 2007. Major concern was placed on physical wounds, and psychological wounds were not taken seriously. These factors caused a higher number of psychological casualties in the military.


In an interview with Jaffna Monitor, former Army Major General Lakshman David stated that the military should have been rehabilitated just like surrendered LTTE cadres. What is your view on this?  Why do you think successive governments failed to initiate meaningful rehabilitation for military personnel? 

There was no effective psychological debriefing system in place following traumatic military operations. Likewise, there was no proper screening process for combat trauma. As a result, many military personnel who experienced severe psychological stress went without the support they desperately needed. These individuals left the military undiagnosed and untreated, carrying the weight of their emotional wounds into their homes and families. Sri Lanka lacked a structured system to support the transition of veterans back into civilian life. This absence created significant readjustment difficulties for former combatants, many of whom struggled to reintegrate into society. They faced a wide range of emotional and social challenges as they attempted to rebuild their lives outside the military. It’s important to recognize that the impact of combat stress does not always surface immediately. In the postwar era, delayed reactions to trauma are common, and symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can emerge long after the initial exposure. For some veterans, these residual effects can become serious, long-term mental health issues, often developing years after their service has ended.


We’ve seen a rise in violent incidents involving former soldiers, including recent shootings. Do you believe there is a direct link between these acts and unresolved combat trauma—such as PTSD, moral injury, or other complex psychological conditions?

Some traumatized individuals experience a compulsive urge to re-expose themselves to situations that resemble their original trauma—this phenomenon is known as “compulsive exposure.” It is a distinctive marker of combat-related post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Soldiers suffering from war trauma may later become involved in violence or criminal behavior. This pattern has been observed in various post-conflict societies, including the period following the Vietnam War. When combat trauma goes untreated, it can become a vicious cycle, increasing the risk that affected ex-soldiers will engage in acts of social violence and criminality. One example from Sri Lanka is Malavi Kankanamage Jinasena, also known as "Army Jiné." A former commando with exceptional combat skills, Jiné served in the elite Sri Lanka Army unit. However, as a result of intense combat stress, his behavior deteriorated. He was eventually charged with multiple disciplinary violations and went AWOL (Absent Without Leave). While living in hiding, Jiné used his military survival training to evade law enforcement and sustain a life of crime. He was implicated in numerous violent acts, including highway robberies, murders, and sexual assaults. According to some reports, he was responsible for as many as 27 rapes. Jiné lived deep in the jungle for years before he was finally tracked down and killed by police.


Does Sri Lanka have the institutional capacity to track or support army deserters today? Or has the country created a “lost generation” of men trained for war but denied reintegration or care?

I think we have the institutional capacity to track or support army deserters. It can be done with knowledgeable professionals and officers with empathy. These army deserters have postwar war readjustment problems and are experiencing issues with their living, working, and social environments. They need individual therapy, family therapy, and psychosocial rehabilitation.


Do you think stigma within the military—especially around admitting emotional vulnerability—has worsened the psychological toll on soldiers? How can this barrier be broken?

Indeed. War trauma is often associated with stigma, and some individuals with combat trauma were reluctant to come for psychological services. They feared it would affect their dignity and military career. We have detected PTSD reactions among the senior military officers, and yet they did not seek professional support. Some of them were compelled to come for treatment when these stresses became unbearable and when their lives were at risk.


Has the state, in your opinion, failed its own armed forces by not providing adequate postwar rehabilitation and reintegration support?

I would say that, as a nation, we failed to provide adequate post-war rehabilitation and reintegration support to the soldiers who fought in the 30-year armed conflict.


If you were advising the Sri Lankan state today, what would be the most urgent steps to prevent future violence from traumatized ex-soldiers and to reintegrate them constructively into society?

I would restructure the Rehabilitation Department and recruit knowledgeable and empathetic professionals to work with war-affected individuals. It is essential to train personnel from both the military and health sectors, equipping them with a deep understanding of war trauma and its psychological and social consequences. We need to provide specialized training for those working in the military’s psychological and psychiatric units. This should include identifying early signs of combat trauma in soldiers, preventing issues such as desertion or criminal behavior, and improving the recruitment process by selecting psychologically stable individuals for military service. It is equally important to introduce modern and effective psychotherapeutic approaches to support war-affected combatants and their families. Furthermore, we can utilize the existing network of MOH (Medical Officer of Health) divisions to extend these services islandwide. All ex-combatants—including former LTTE members—should undergo regular psychological screening to assess their mental well-being. We must also establish comprehensive reintegration programs for soldiers leaving the military and returning to civilian life. At present, there is a serious gap in these areas, and Sri Lankan society is already suffering the consequences. We cannot afford to let this situation persist.


You’ve worked in countries like Canada and the U.S., where veteran support systems are more developed. What models or practices from those systems could be meaningfully adapted to Sri Lanka’s post-war context?

From the very beginning, we reported on the war—but we never truly studied it. We failed to examine the armed conflict through clinical, psychological, and sociological lenses. Regretfully, Sri Lankan universities made little effort to conduct in-depth research on the 30-year war and its psychological and sociological impacts. Ironically, it was foreign universities that carried out substantial studies on the Sri Lankan conflict and learned a great deal from it. Over the past three decades, we were unable to train professionals capable of addressing the psychological wounds left by the war. Sadly, the average medical officer still lacks an understanding of combat-related PTSD and how it affects both physical and mental health. These are bitter truths we must confront. Another pressing issue is that many decision-makers lack insight into war trauma and its devastating consequences. Their knowledge of the psychological impact of war is minimal at best. Some authorities are difficult to convince—they remain insulated in their comfortable offices, detached from the realities on the ground. Professional jealousy and insecurity further cloud their judgment and obstruct sound decision-making. These negative factors have caused immense social harm and delayed the treatment of war trauma in Sri Lanka. In contrast, the United States and Canada have developed highly effective systems for treating combat trauma. In these countries, trained professionals with relevant knowledge, experience, and skills handle the work. They continuously study war trauma, publish research, and develop evidence-based therapeutic methods to support those affected. Importantly, their work is free from political interference. Mental health services in these countries are geared toward treating both active-duty personnel and veterans. I have visited several Veterans Administration (VA) hospitals in Kansas and Philadelphia, where both serving soldiers and ex-servicemen receive care. These institutions excel at identifying combat-related psychological symptoms and providing appropriate treatment. There is much we can learn from them—not only from their successes but also from the mistakes made during the Vietnam War era.


Speaking to a Northern audience—many of whom were both victims and witnesses to combat trauma—how would you explain the psychological impact of carrying such complex, unresolved experiences?

The people in the North, who were exposed to combat trauma, were among the collateral victims of the armed conflict. They endured pressure from both the government forces and the LTTE. Many became war casualties, suffered material losses and displacement, and had their children forcibly conscripted by the LTTE. Civilians in the North witnessed the true horrors of war. Many were forced to flee the country, while others became trapped within the war zone. Numerous individuals lost family members; some went missing. To this day, many victims continue to live with distressing memories of their traumatic past. War-related trauma continues to affect the population in the North. There is a visible loss of motivation, widespread alcohol and substance abuse, domestic violence, cynicism, and a deeply pessimistic outlook on the future. Many feel a sense of a foreshortened future— believing their lives will be cut short or lack meaning. At times, these unresolved traumas manifest as social violence. For instance, in the immediate aftermath of the war, the emergence and violent activities of the Aava Gang in the North served as a stark indicator of the psychosocial consequences of the three-decade-long conflict. These are signs of deeply unhealed wounds. If not addressed through effective and sustained interventions, the impact of this trauma could carry forward to future generations.


What kind of trauma-informed justice or healing frameworks does Sri Lanka urgently need to address the psychological wounds of both victims and perpetrators of war-related violence?

I believe we need a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, similar to the one in South Africa, where affected individuals can come forward to share their stories, find catharsis, and receive empathy and validation. There is little point in chasing down the perpetrators because, in some way or another, we all share a portion of the responsibility. What our society needs is healing—not revenge or recrimination. We cannot allow this conflict to pass on to yet another generation. It is high time we act responsibly and with wisdom. I would like to share the words of an army officer who served during the final phase of the war. His reflections offer profound insight: ..............“I have lived with this war for many years. I’ve seen fallen soldiers and dead LTTE cadres—each one a child of this land. The final days of the war were traumatic. I witnessed immense human suffering. I have seen enough blood. Those who glorify war from the safety of Colombo should have been there. Then they would truly understand what war means. I felt deep sorrow for the Tamil civilians who were led by a noxious mirage. When I first visited the North as a schoolboy at the age of 16, I was moved by the warmth and kindness of the Tamil people. The people of Jaffna were cultured and educated. They belonged to a great civilization rooted in non-violence. But when the conflict erupted in the early 1970s, everything changed. I had to return to the North, this time in combat gear. The Tamil people in the North paid an enormous price for the war. Their homes and livelihoods were destroyed. Their children were forcibly recruited. They faced death, poverty, and displacement. What happened to the millions of dollars sent by NGOs and the Tamil diaspora to support the North? The people of Wanni lacked even basic infrastructure. Malnourishment was rampant. Had those funds been used effectively, the North could have become a little Singapore. I’m relieved that the war is over. Now we must focus on rebuilding the North and fostering ethnic harmony. We must rise above petty racial divisions and work toward peace with our Tamil brothers. If we fail, I fear that within 20 years, we may witness another bloody conflict.




The Psychological Impact of University Ragging

 





Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. PhD. 

Ragging is an initiation ritual practiced in Sri Lankan universities (Wickramasinghe et al., 2022). The University Grants Commission (UGC) defines ragging as ‘any deliberate act by an individual student or group of students that causes physical or psychological stress or trauma and results in humiliating, harassing, and intimidating the other person. By way of explanation, "ragging" can be defined as any activity expected of someone joining or participating in a group that humiliates, degrades, abuses, or endangers them, regardless of a person's willingness to participate. Ragging is allied with victimization, mostly humiliating and degrading a freshman.

Ragging creates a violent and toxic learning environment, and it has a number of psychological repercussions. Ragging usually includes verbal, physical, and sexual harassment. A UNICEF-based study indicates that over 51% of the students surveyed had been subjected to verbal harassment, 34.3% to psychological violence, 23.8% to physical abuse, and 16.6% to sexual harassment as a result of ragging (Prevalence of Ragging and Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) in Sri Lankan State Universities—UN Study 2022). According to the Ministry of Higher Education, 20 freshmen have died and 27,000 have left universities due to intolerable ragging.

Ragging is a well-organized and well-orchestrated vicious act of violence. It’s important to understand how students fall into this chain of settings during their academic years.

Basic human nature is doing things to get pleasure or avoid pain. People can be gentle until their wellness is affected, and they can become selfish and possibly cruel. It's a common belief that every person has a primal monster inside their mind, and it can activate when a sinister moment arises. Professor Philip Zimbardo (Stanford University) emphasized that people do evil things when they have an ideology or system of ideals.

Ragging behaviors can be explained via evolutionary psychology, social conformity, cognitive dissonance, and group dynamic theories. Evolutionary psychology explains that human aggression is an innate biological drive. Social theories on ragging indicate power dynamics.

There are a few common potential reasons why students engage in ragging. Some feel insecure or powerless, and they have a desire to establish seniority and reinforce social hierarchies. Furthermore, unresolved mental conflicts, free-floating anger, frustration, and irritability can contribute to acting mean toward others. Some of the motivating factors are to gain self-esteem, to live up to a grandiose self-image, and to exercise power over others.

Sometimes insecure feelings fuel this condition. There are other factors, such as group belonging, team building, or increased cohesion, that can magnetize the ragging activities. Ragging or hazing behavior can foster a stronger sense of unity among students. Some individuals who are impacted by a sense of alienation, self-doubt, lack of confidence, and low self-worth engage in such behaviors in order to gain respect and acceptance within the group. Some people derive satisfaction from exerting power and control over others. Those students who oppose ragging also face harmful repercussions such as various harassments and being ostracized by the leading group.

Basically, there are certain personalities who are inclined towards perpetrating violent acts like ragging. There are common psychological features associated with raggers.

Those who engage in ragging often suffer from low self-esteem (low self-esteem arises due to caste oppression, poverty, lack of social opportunities, body dysmorphic conditions, etc.). In Sri Lanka, wealth inequality has created class envy, and students from rural areas sometimes carry deep, hostile resentment towards other freshmen who come from the privileged schools. This has become one of the push factors to commit acts of raging in the universities.

There is a connection between interpersonal violence perpetration and personality disorders. Personality disorders such as antisocial personality/borderline personality can contribute to the perpetration of both direct and indirect forms of aggression towards others. Those who suffered childhood trauma, maternal or paternal deprivation, or childhood abuse can become perpetrators of violence. The other factors include self-loathing and misanthropy, social isolation, extremism and polarized thinking, sadism (enjoyment of hurting others), and those who are easily affected by group dynamics and group aggression can easily become confederates. Herd mentality, aka mob mentality or crowd mentality, also plays a role in ragging events. On such occasions individuals adopt the beliefs, behaviors, or attitudes of the majority in a group.

Ragging is a complex process of exerting power and dominance, expecting the victim's full consent, and humiliating the victim. This is mainly done to satisfy the abuser's inferiority complex and to restore his shattered ego. In addition, the abuser primarily derives unconscious and often conscious sexual gratification from dehumanizing the victim. Dehumanization of the victim facilitates violence and inhumane treatment, and it justifies ragging behaviors, lowering compassion and empathy.

After enduring ragging, the victim may experience anger, frustration, confusion, fear, a damaged sense of self-esteem, a submissive mentality, resentment towards the abuser, and even submission. Sometimes victims become attached to the tormentor and even interpret the ragging process as a pleasant experience. This phenomenon is known as Stockholm syndrome. Stockholm syndrome (also known as "terror bonding" and "traumatic bonding") is a psychological tendency of a hostage to bond with, identify with, or sympathize with his or her oppressor.

Ragging is not a healthy behavior. Torture causes physical and mental illnesses. It can cause mental disorders such as depression, phobias, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and adjustment disorder. The side effects also last for a long time. In addition, vulnerable individuals have been observed to be prone to psychotic conditions such as schizophrenia and acute transient psychotic disorders.

Ragging is a criminal offense under Sri Lankan law, and a person convicted of bullying can be sentenced to up to 10 years in prison. However, it is difficult to put an end to ragging through law alone. For this, an attitudinal change must be created among students as well as university authorities. Some consider university ragging to be orchestrated by ultra-leftist political groups in Sri Lanka. Therefore, political awareness programs would be needed for an attitudinal change. Some of the university authorities often try to hide or whitewash ragging incidents. Some of them believe ragging is a university subculture, and this factor remains a difficulty to mitigate ragging incidents in universities.

There are potential physical and psychological harms associated with ragging. It threatens the health and safety of its victims. Many hazing events lead to injuries or even fatalities. Therefore, society must understand that ragging is a social menace, a pathology. The university authorities have a responsibility to create a safe and respected learning environment for the students.



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