What I Learned from My Visit to Babi Yar

 

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge

I have visited Kyiv several times to meet friends, including Shantha Kulasekara, who is currently involved in a UN project; Bandula Pattiyage, now residing in the UK; and Sisira Gunawardene, who lives in Canada. Regardless of these visits, I have yet to explore Babi Yar (Babyn Yar), a significant historical site where Nazi mobile killing units tragically murdered a total of 33,771 Jewish men, women, and children. Therefore, in 1990, I visited Babi Yar.

Babi Yar is situated in the northwestern region of Kyiv, Ukraine, approximately 5 kilometres from the city center. My visit to this site deepened my understanding of the vastness of the Nazi extermination apparatus, revealing a tragic intersection of dehumanization, ideological indoctrination, conformity, and systemic compartmentalization.

In September 1941, following the Nazi occupation of the city, explosions set by Soviet forces resulted in the deaths of German soldiers. The German command exploited this incident to accuse and target the Jewish community of Kyiv unjustly. Between September 29 and September 30, 1941, Nazi Einsatzgruppen, supported by local collaborators, forcibly marched Jewish men, women, and children to the ravine, where they were compelled to undress and surrender their valuables before being executed. Over these two days, approximately 33,771 individuals were murdered.

The Nazis transformed Babi Yar into a continuous execution ground during their two-year occupation of Kyiv. They murdered an estimated 70,000 to 100,000 total victims at the site.  The Soviet forces liberated Kyiv in late 1943. In a bid to eliminate evidence of their atrocities, the Nazis compelled camp prisoners to exhume and incinerate the bodies in large pyres before their retreat.

The Babi Yar massacre was orchestrated by several key figures, including Paul Blobel, an SS Colonel; Friedrich Jeckeln, who served as the SS and Police Leader for the area; Otto Rasch, the overall commander; and Kurt Eberhard, the German Military Governor of Kyiv. Their collective actions were supported by a local paramilitary force collaborating with Nazi Germany, formed shortly after the city's occupation in September 1941. Comprising 1,400 officers, this unit supported German authorities during the war. Notable figures such as Ivan Kediulych and Oleksandr Kvitko emerged as key military leaders and nationalist organizers, taking on significant roles within the police force. Their leadership was particularly critical during the tragic events of the Babi Yar massacres, where the police aided in the implementation of Nazi killing policies.

The Ukrainian Auxiliary Police (UAP) supported Nazi forces during the Babyn Yar massacre for several reasons. Primarily, the members of the UAP were ethnic Ukrainians who harboured existing prejudices against Jews, often perceiving them as collaborators or agents of the Soviet regime. Additionally, many individual policemen were driven by the prospect of immediate financial gain, seeking to seize the wealth and possessions of the Jewish victims.

Our local tour guide shared the tormenting tale of Dina Pronicheva, a 25-year-old theatre actress and one of the few survivors of the Babi Yar massacre. Witnessing the execution of her mother and sister, Dina narrowly escaped death by leaping from the ledge just before the gunfire erupted, landing among the bodies in the ravine. In a desperate bid for survival, she lay concealed beneath the weight of the corpses as German soldiers prodded the pile with bayonets, narrowly avoiding detection even when one soldier stepped on her hand. After managing to extricate herself under the cover of night, her ordeal continued when a building cleaner betrayed her location to the authorities. In a cruel twist, police took her two-year-old son hostage, firing near him to force Dina into the open, but a neighbor's bribe ultimately secured the child's release. Dina not only survived the war but also became the sole eyewitness to testify at the 1946 Kyiv war crimes trial.

The perpetrators of the Babi Yar massacre ultimately faced justice for their actions. SS Colonel Paul Blobel was apprehended by Allied forces and subsequently tried by a U.S. military tribunal during the Einsatzgruppen Trial at Nuremberg from 1947 to 1948, where he was convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity, leading to his execution by hanging at Landsberg Prison in West Germany on June 7, 1951. Friedrich Jeckeln was captured by Soviet troops towards the war's conclusion and was tried by a Soviet military tribunal during the Riga Trial for his significant involvement in orchestrating mass genocides in Ukraine and the Baltic states; he was found guilty and executed by hanging in Riga, Latvia, on February 3, 1946. Kurt Eberhard, the German Military Governor of Kyiv, was arrested by U.S. military authorities in November 1945, but while awaiting trial for his role in the massacre, he took his own life on September 8, 1947, at the age of 72. Otto Rasch, the Overall Commander of Einsatzgruppe C, was also arrested in 1945 and indicted alongside Blobel in the Nuremberg Einsatzgruppen Trial; however, his case was separated in early 1948 due to his advanced Parkinson's disease, rendering him unfit for trial, and he passed away from natural causes later that year on November 1, 1948.

Ivan Kediulych, a local collaborator, served as a primary school teacher and the administrator of a village school before the war. His views were heavily influenced by Nazi wartime propaganda, leading him to adopt anti-Semitic beliefs, including the pervasive conspiracy theory of "Judeo-Bolshevism." In the context of the Babyn Yar massacre, Kediulych's involvement was largely administrative and command-oriented. Ivan Kediulych met a tragic end. On August 1, 1945, he was located by the Soviet secret police (NKVD) in a concealed forest bunker close to the village of Lisnyky in the Ternopil region, where he was killed during the confrontation. In contrast, Oleksandr Kvitko chose to defect to the West, where he spent his post-war years in Western Europe, managing to avoid any criminal charges.

Babyn Yar is acknowledged worldwide as one of the most significant mass executions during the Holocaust. In contrast to concentration camps such as Auschwitz, which epitomize the industrialized nature of genocide through gas chambers, Babyn Yar exemplifies the "Holocaust by bullets." Today, it stands as a heart-breaking global emblem of this form of genocide, serving as a central element in Ukraine's efforts to reclaim its historical narrative in the post-Soviet era, while also representing a contemporary struggle against totalitarianism. The site and its associated memories retain profound historical, political, and cultural importance long after the tragic events of 1941.

 

The Impact of Killing; Collision of Conscience; Case Vignettes from the Eelam War

 

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. PhD

Killing a human being is a psychologically distressing act (Jensen & Simpson, 2014). Research indicates that soldiers who have engaged in killing are at a higher risk of developing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) compared to those who have merely observed acts of violence (Winkle & Safer, 2011). Traditional PTSD frameworks focus heavily on fear, personal danger, and helplessness; in contrast, the act of killing creates unique trauma profiles characterized by issues of perpetration, moral conflict, and existential guilt (Maguen et al., 2011). The impact of killing during warfare notably heightens the likelihood of military veterans experiencing psychosocial issues and an increased risk of suicide (Purcell et al., 2026).  

Soldiers often find themselves grappling with a profound moral dilemma following the act of taking enemy lives, as they confront the stark contrast between their military conditioning and their innate human empathy. This internal conflict frequently leads to intense shame and an existential crisis, as they struggle to reconcile their actions with their moral beliefs and the value of human life. As a result of impact killing solders have functional impairment with higher rates of anger, violence, and relationship issues (Maguen et al., 2009).  Nordstrand and colleagues (2026) assert that the long-term psychological effects of killing are likely shaped by the specific context in which the act occurs. This complex interplay involves multiple factors, such as group norms, mission objectives, pre-deployment anticipations, and the process of reintegrating into civilian life, all of which can significantly influence the psychological aftermath of such actions.

The Eelam War in Sri Lanka, which spanned from 1983 to 2009, profoundly affected the psychological well-being of many combatants, particularly in relation to their experiences of killing enemy personnel. Given that Sri Lanka is predominantly a Buddhist nation, many soldiers were raised in environments steeped in Buddhist teachings, which emphasize the principles of Karma and rebirth. The act of taking a human life often led to significant internal conflict and distress, as these soldiers grappled with the moral implications of their actions in light of their cultural and spiritual beliefs.

The Impact of Killing (IOK) among military veterans in Sri Lanka has evolved into a multifaceted mental health crisis that spans several decades. This crisis is primarily fueled by profound moral injury, which arises from the ethical dilemmas faced during combat, alongside an overwhelming sense of spiritual guilt that veterans carry as a result of their experiences. Additionally, the lingering effects of unaddressed combat trauma contribute significantly to the psychological distress experienced by these individuals.  

During our treatment of soldiers, we encountered numerous combatants who exhibited significant personality transformations due to their experiences of taking enemy lives. The subsequent case vignettes illustrate the profound psychological responses these individuals faced.

Lieutenant RXT was a promising young officer whose aspirations for a distinguished military career were abruptly derailed during the tumultuous JVP uprising of 1988/89. The situation escalated dramatically when his camp was infiltrated by rebels, resulting in the tragic loss of five of his soldiers and an attempted theft of firearms. In the heat of the confrontation, Lieutenant RXT found himself in a position where he had to take the life of one of the assailants, an act that, while deemed necessary and justified in the context of self-defence, left an indelible mark on his psyche. The aftermath of this encounter proved to be devastating; the weight of having taken a life burdened him with profound guilt and remorse, leading to a gradual decline in his mental well-being. As he struggled to cope with the emotional fallout, he turned to alcohol as a means of escape, which in turn caused him to neglect his military responsibilities and fostered a pervasive sense of foreboding regarding his future. Over the years, this downward spiral intensified, culminating in a debilitating addiction to alcohol that necessitated multiple hospitalizations for alcohol-related disorders, further isolating him from both his personal relationships and professional obligations.

Sergeant Major TXL, a seasoned non-commissioned officer, had a distinguished career marked by his involvement in numerous operations against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). One particularly harrowing incident occurred when Sergeant Major TXL and his unit were ambushed while travelling in a military vehicle. This sudden attack resulted in the tragic loss of five of his comrades, plunging the team into a fierce firefight. The chaos of battle not only claimed the lives of his fellow soldiers but also led to collateral damage, tragically affecting innocent civilians caught in the crossfire. The emotional toll of this event weighed heavily on Sergeant Major TXL, leaving him profoundly shattered. As he progressed further into his military career, he found himself increasingly isolated, plagued by intrusive memories of the violence he had witnessed and participated in. These haunting recollections contributed to a deepening sense of despair, culminating in a desperate moment when he attempted to take his own life by jumping in front of an oncoming train. However, a turning point came when he sought spiritual therapy, which fostered a significant transformation in his life. Through this process, Sergeant Major TXL embraced a deeper faith, leading to a remarkable change in his personality and outlook on life as he found solace and purpose in his newfound spirituality.

The narrative of Major AWX serves as a distressing exploration of the profound effects that killing can have on the human psyche, illustrating how individuals can devolve into compulsive murderers. Initially, Major AWX was a promising student hailing from a prestigious school in Kandy, whose academic prowess led him to the Kothalawala Military Academy, where he graduated as an infantry officer. He subsequently joined the Vijayaba Infantry Regiment (VIR) and was deployed in various operational zones, where he encountered the traumatic realities of combat. Over time, the psychological toll of these experiences manifested in significant alterations to his personality. Following his involvement in lethal military engagements, Major AWX underwent a disturbing transformation, ultimately becoming an individual driven by an insatiable urge to kill. During a therapy session, he chillingly remarked that he "fossilizes enemies," a statement that underscores his desensitization to violence, which soon extended beyond enemy combatants to innocent civilians. Despite his attempts to seek psychological assistance, his treatment was thwarted by bureaucratic obstacles, leaving him without the necessary support or monitoring as he returned to the battlefield. His mental health deteriorated rapidly, marked by debilitating headaches, intense rage, hyperarousal, intrusive combat-related thoughts, and burgeoning homicidal tendencies. This unchecked decline culminated in his emergence as a cold-blooded serial killer, responsible for the brutal murder of several innocent individuals. A particularly heinous act occurred in 2004 while he was stationed with the 215 Brigade in Mannar, where he lured a victim to the Manthottam camp, intoxicated him, and subsequently committed a gruesome murder by stabbing, dismembering, and incinerating the remains. Ultimately, Major AWX was apprehended by the police, but tragically, he took his own life while in custody at Bogambara Prison. This tragic outcome raises critical questions about the systemic failures that prevented him from receiving timely and effective treatment, suggesting that with appropriate intervention, many lives, including his own, could have been spared from the devastating consequences of his actions.

These case studies indicate that "The impact of Killing" can lead to a profound Collision of Conscience, resulting in significant psychological transformations among soldiers. Following their involvement in acts of killing, many combatants experience intense feelings of guilt, which can subsequently lead to depression and a profound sense of isolation from their peers and society. This emotional turmoil often manifests in various detrimental ways, with some individuals becoming addicted to violence, perpetuating a cycle of aggression that further entrenches them in a life marked by brutality and moral conflict. The psychological ramifications of such experiences highlight the complex interplay between combat, mental health, and the potential for ongoing violence, underscoring the need for comprehensive support systems for those affected. 

Psychological interventions are essential for soldiers grappling with guilt, depression, and intense emotions after engaging in combat and taking enemy lives. These interventions can provide the necessary support to help them process their experiences, manage their feelings, and promote mental well-being. By addressing these psychological challenges, we can facilitate their recovery and reintegration into civilian life. According to MacNair (2002), the impact of killing manifests through profound guilt, nightmares, and higher symptom severity than traditional PTSD, often requiring specialized therapeutic approaches to address. Komarovskaya and colleagues (2011) highlight that this trauma is uniquely linked to perpetrating harm, requiring targeted, specialized mental health interventions rather than general protocols.

The Impact of Killing (IOK) treatment protocol, developed by VA clinical psychologists such as Dr. Shira Maguen, aims to address the moral injury experienced after taking a life. This protocol is generally administered over ten sessions as an individual cognitive-behavioral therapy. It integrates components from Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT), Gestalt therapy, and existential or relational psychotherapies to provide a comprehensive therapeutic approach (Maguen et al.,2017).  

Self-Forgiveness Integration also represents a valuable therapeutic approach aimed at alleviating the psychological distress linked to the profound consequences of taking a life. This method facilitates a transformative journey for individuals grappling with guilt and remorse, guiding them away from patterns of self-destructive behaviour that often arise in the aftermath of such traumatic experiences (Purcell et al., 2022).  By fostering a sense of healthy accountability, this approach encourages individuals to confront their actions and the associated emotional turmoil, ultimately promoting a path toward healing and personal growth. Through the process of self-forgiveness, individuals can begin to reconcile their past, allowing them to reclaim their sense of self-worth and move forward with a renewed perspective on life.

Furthermore, the healing process from the psychological trauma associated with violence, such as that depicted in "The Impact of Killing," can be significantly facilitated through the integration of cultural elements (Jayatunge, 2016). In Sri Lanka, a nation with a rich cultural heritage spanning over 2,500 years, traditional practices, beliefs, and communal activities serve as vital mechanisms for emotional recovery. This deep-rooted culture not only provides a sense of identity and belonging but also offers various forms of expression and support that can help individuals cope with their psychological wounds.  

Indigenous Shanthikarma (healing) rituals, which focus on mitigating emotional distress, alongside Thovilaya, a form of psychodrama, play a crucial role in addressing the psychological trauma experienced by combatants affected by the profound consequences of killing. These practices often incorporate rhythmic drumming, which serves to stimulate both hemispheres of the brain, thereby facilitating a healing process akin to Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR). Such traditional rituals are not merely cultural expressions; they are vital therapeutic interventions designed to restore a sense of balance and harmony in individuals who perceive a disruption in their cosmological order due to their experiences in conflict. By engaging in these time-honoured practices, combatants can find pathways to healing that respect their cultural heritage while effectively addressing the psychological scars left by their experiences.

In addition, spiritual therapy plays a crucial role in the healing journey of soldiers who are dealing with the intense psychological repercussions associated with taking a life. This therapeutic approach is deeply rooted in Buddhist philosophies and incorporates various meditation techniques, particularly Vipassana and Metta Meditation (meditation of lovingkindness), which focus on cultivating mindfulness, compassion, and the recognition of the interconnectedness of all living beings (Jayatunge, 2023). By participating in these meditative practices, soldiers are allowed to enhance their awareness of their internal thoughts and emotions, enabling them to navigate their traumatic experiences within a nurturing and understanding framework. The core tenets of Buddhism advocate for a compassionate confrontation with one’s suffering, promoting acceptance and insight that can lead to a profound sense of inner tranquillity and resilience. As soldiers engage with these spiritual practices, they may discover a transformative path toward healing that not only addresses their psychological scars but also fosters a renewed sense of purpose and a deeper connection to the broader arras of life.

References

Jayatunge, R. M. (2016, June 21). The cultural perspectives on psychological trauma in Sri Lanka. LankaWeb. https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2016/06/21/the-cultural-perspectives-on-psychological-trauma-in-sri-lanka-2/

Jayatunge, R. M. (2023). Clinical meditation. M.D. Gunasena Publishers.

Jensen, P. R., & Simpson, D. (2014). A qualitative analysis of the experience and impact of killing in hand‐to‐hand combat. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 27(4), 468–473.

Komarovskaya I, Maguen S, McCaslin SE, Metzler TJ, Madan A, Brown AD, Galatzer-Levy IR, Henn-Haase C, Marmar CR. The impact of killing and injuring others on mental health symptoms among police officers. J Psychiatr Res. 2011 Oct;45(10):1332-6. doi: 10.1016/j.jpsychires.2011.05.004. Epub 2011 Jun 11. PMID: 21658717; PMCID: PMC3974970.

MacNair, R. M. (2002). Perpetration-induced traumatic stress: The psychological consequences of killing. Praeger Publishers. doi.org.

Maguen, S., Metzler, T. J., Litz, B. T., San Diego, B., Knight, S. J., Ostazzewski, L., Davis, L., & Marmar, C. R. (2009). The impact of killing in war on mental health symptoms and related functioning. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 22(5), 435–443. doi.org.

Maguen, S., Vogt, D. S., King, L. A., King, D. W., Litz, B. T., Knight, S. J., & Marmar, C. R. (2011). The impact of killing on mental health symptoms in Gulf War veterans. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 3(1), 21–26. https://doi.org/10.1037/a001989.

Maguen, S., Burkman, K., Madden, E., Dinh, J., Westphal, R. J., & Neylan, T. C. (2017). Impact of Killing in War: A randomized, controlled pilot trial. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 73(9), 1115–1133. doi.org.

Nordstrand, A. E., Noll, L. K., & Wickham, R. E. (2026). Killing in combat as a potentially morally injurious event: The diverging psychological impact of killing on peacekeepers and combat-oriented troops. Armed Forces & Society, 52(3). https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X251321389. 

Purcell, N., Burkman, K., & Maguen, S. (2022). Treatment for moral injury: Impact of Killing in War. Current Psychiatry Reports, 24(6), 335–343.

Purcell N, Usman H, Mehlman H, Gloria R, Burkman K, Lehrner A, Maguen S. The Impact of Killing (IOK) mental health treatment for moral injury: U.S. military veteran perspectives on acceptability, fit, and impact. Psychol Serv. 2026 Mar 9:10.1037/ser0001035. doi: 10.1037/ser0001035. Epub ahead of print. PMID: 41801748; PMCID: PMC12974238.

Van Winkle, E. P., & Safer, M. A. (2011). Killing versus witnessing in combat trauma and reports of PTSD symptoms and domestic violence. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 24(1), 107–110.

The Shattered Sovereign: A Psychological Analysis of King Seethawaka Rajasinha and His PTSD Related Symptoms

  

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge, M.D. PhD 

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, also known as Tikiri Bandara, was a warrior king of Sri Lanka during the 16th century, renowned for his exceptional prowess as a battle-hardened hero. He earned the title "Rajasinha" (meaning Lion King) for his bravery and military tactics. Ascending to the battlefield at the tender age of 16, he demonstrated remarkable courage and resilience in the face of adversity, particularly against the formidable Portuguese invaders who sought to dominate the island. Throughout his reign, which spanned from 1554 to 1593 AD, he witnessed the tormenting consequences of war, including widespread death and destruction, yet he remained undeterred. His fearless nature was complemented by his adeptness at military strategy, enabling him to employ innovative tactics that effectively countered the well-equipped, highly trained Portuguese forces. As a result, King Seethawaka Rajasinghe not only established himself as a military genius but also left an indelible mark on Sri Lanka's history through his unwavering commitment to defending his kingdom.

The Battle of Mulleriyawa (1562)

In the year 1562, the Battle of Mulleriyawa emerged as a significant confrontation between Tikiri Bandara and the formidable Portuguese forces, which were recognized as a dominant military power of the 16th century. The Portuguese contingent was commanded by Captain Major Afonso Pereira de Lacerda and Captain Major Jorge de Meneses Baroche, who led their troops into battle just outside Colombo, strategically positioned on the southern bank of the Kelani River. Tikiri Bandara, displaying remarkable valor and tactical prowess, launched a fierce assault on the Portuguese army, striking with the ferocity of a thunderbolt. This unexpected onslaught placed the once-invincible Portuguese forces on the brink of defeat, as they struggled to withstand the relentless attacks from young Tikiri Bandara and his warriors. Historical accounts, particularly from the Rajavaliya, a 17th-century chronicle documenting Sri Lankan history, reveal that the battle resulted in the loss of over 1,600 Portuguese soldiers and their auxiliary troops, known as Lascarins, underscoring the significant impact of this conflict on the power dynamics of the region.

The Siege of Kotte

The Siege of Kotte, which took place between 1560 and 1565, marked a significant turning point in the power dynamics of the region. During this period, the strategic maneuvering of the besieging forces involved the deliberate diversion of the Diyawanna River, effectively undermining the natural defenses that had previously protected the Kotte Kingdom. This tactical decision compelled King Dharmapala, who was seen as a puppet ruler under the influence of the Portuguese, along with his allies, to relinquish their hold on the capital. As a result, they were forced to retreat to Colombo, thereby signalling a critical shift in control and influence within the area. The implications of this siege were profound, as it not only altered the political landscape but also highlighted the vulnerabilities of alliances formed under colonial pressures.

The Sieges of Colombo

The sieges of Colombo marked a significant chapter in the military history of the region, characterized by the ambitious efforts of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, who mobilized an impressive force exceeding 50,000 troops, complemented by a contingent of war elephants, to besiege the Portuguese stronghold in Colombo. Despite his strategic maneuvers that brought the Portuguese forces to the brink of starvation, the absence of a formidable naval presence ultimately hindered his campaign, allowing Portuguese reinforcements to breach the blockades and resupply their beleaguered garrison. The siege created a sense of desperation among the Portuguese defenders, who were gripped by fear and famine. However, the tide of battle shifted when external naval support from Goa arrived, leading to a disastrous outcome for the king's forces. In the aftermath of this military debacle, King Rajasinghe's frustration escalated into paranoia, prompting him to suspect treachery among his generals. In a series of ruthless purges, he executed several of his trusted commanders, including Wicramasinghe Maha Senevi and Weerasundara Bandara, both of whom had previously played pivotal roles in his military campaigns, thus illustrating the volatile nature of power and loyalty in the tumultuous landscape of warfare.

  

The Combat Fatigue

After enduring numerous years of relentless warfare, Tikiri Bandara, known as King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, found himself in a state of profound exhaustion, both physically and mentally. The toll of continuous combat began to manifest in his deteriorating mental health, leading to a noticeable decline in his overall well-being. As time progressed, the king exhibited increasingly erratic behavior characterized by heightened suspicion, frequent outbursts of anger, and pervasive irritability. His deep-seated mistrust of those around him fostered a sense of alienation, while emotional numbing and a range of symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) became evident. These significant personality shifts not only transformed the once-great warrior into a figure of fear but also instigated a reign of terror against his own subjects, leaving a profound and lasting void in the hearts and minds of the people he once valiantly defended.

  

Drastic Personality Changes

The King became increasingly engulfed by an overwhelming sense of suspicion, interpreting even the most trivial disagreements as acts of betrayal. This pervasive mistrust extended to his closest allies, prompting him to take drastic measures against anyone he deemed a potential threat to his reign. Years of witnessing relentless bloodshed on the battlefield left him emotionally numb, resulting in unpredictable and violent outbursts of anger. King Rajasinha's detachment from the suffering of his subjects grew more pronounced, as he morphed from a once-protective ruler into a merciless tyrant who employed horrifying and unprecedented methods of punishment, devoid of any semblance of remorse or compassion. His paranoia particularly targeted the Buddhist clergy whom he irrationally suspected of colluding with his political adversaries. Ultimately, by the end of his life, King Rajasinha's erratic behavior and baseless accusations alienated his last remaining allies, including aristocrats and military leaders. The once-revered "Lion of Seethawaka" was reduced to a shattered, isolated, and profoundly lonely figure, stripped of the respect and companionship he once commanded.

 

Patricide

The historical narrative surrounding King Seethawaka Rajasinghe and the alleged patricide of his father, King Mayadunne, remains a contentious topic among scholars. Some historians assert that King Seethawaka Rajasinghe was responsible for his father's death, while others argue that this claim may have been a fabrication propagated by the Portuguese, aimed at undermining the king's legitimacy and authority. This divergence in perspectives highlights the complexities of historical interpretation, particularly in the context of colonial influences.

In the aftermath of these events, it is noted that King Seethawaka Rajasinghe experienced profound guilt, prompting him to seek redemption through the teachings of Buddhism. However, the Buddhist doctrine offered him no solace regarding the weight of his actions, leading to a pivotal moment when a Hindu priest named Aritta Kivendu Perumal seized the opportunity to convert the king to Hinduism. This conversion raises intriguing questions about King Rajasinghe's motivations: was he genuinely seeking atonement for his alleged crime, or was he drawn to a faith that, paradoxically, glorifies warfare and valour?  

 

Turning Against Religion

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe renounced his original faith, opting instead to adopt Hinduism, and in a brutal campaign, he executed thousands of his subjects who resisted this forced conversion.  He took drastic measures against Buddhism, systematically demolishing temples and perpetrating heinous acts against Buddhist monks, including drowning them as a means of instilling fear and consolidating his power. This reign of terror not only decimated the religious fabric of the society but also left a lasting scar on the cultural heritage of the region.

  

King Seethawaka Rajasinha through Portuguese Eyes

In his significant 17th-century work, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, Jesuit Father Fernão de Queyroz offers a multifaceted and nuanced portrayal of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe I, blending admiration with sharp criticism. Queyroz expresses profound respect for Rajasinghe's military acumen, drawing a parallel between the king and the renowned Carthaginian general Hannibal Barca, highlighting his exceptional strategic capabilities on the battlefield. However, this admiration is tempered by Queyroz's condemnation of the king's extreme brutality and erratic temperament. He characterizes Rajasinghe as a tyrant whose insatiable thirst for blood instilled fear not only in his adversaries but also among his own people. The chronicler meticulously documents the king's descent into paranoia, illustrating how he resorted to the ruthless execution of anyone he suspected of disloyalty, which ultimately led to his isolation from his inner circle. As Rajasinghe's mistrust deepened, he became increasingly suspicious of his closest allies, generals, and aristocrats, leading him to eliminate even his most trusted advisors and military leaders one by one. Queyroz interprets the king's eventual military defeats and demise not merely as a triumph for Portugal but as a form of divine retribution for his unyielding cruelty and antagonism towards the Catholic faith.

 

 PTSD Symptoms

The historical narratives of the 16th century, such as the Mahavamsa and various Portuguese accounts, often interpret the later cruelty exhibited by King Seethawaka Rajasinghe as either a manifestation of spiritual malediction or a straightforward expression of tyranny. However, contemporary historical psychology offers a more nuanced understanding, suggesting that the King's behaviour may be attributed to severe, untreated Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) compounded by paranoia stemming from his experiences in combat. When analyzed through the lens of psychological trauma, his transformation from a celebrated liberator to a despotic ruler can be seen as a classic example of a psyche fractured by prolonged exposure to extreme violence.

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, who began his military career as a young teenager known as Prince Tikiri, was immersed in brutal warfare during his formative years, where he not only engaged in combat against heavily armored Portuguese soldiers but also witnessed the gruesome mutilation of his own troops. The psychological burden of being accused—whether justly or unjustly—of orchestrating the assassination of his father, King Mayadunne, added an unbearable layer of emotional turmoil and guilt, creating a persistent state of distress.

A hallmark of PTSD is hypervigilance, a condition characterized by an incessant "fight or flight" response that leads individuals to perceive threats in every environment, even among those they consider allies. In King Rajasinha's case, this hypervigilance manifested in a drastic and tragic decision to eliminate perceived threats, including the execution of his most trusted general, Weerasundara Bandara.  

The individuals suffering from severe PTSD often find themselves alienating long-term friends while becoming overly reliant on manipulative outsiders who exploit their vulnerabilities, as seen in King Rajasinha's relationship with Aritta Ki Vendu, who exacerbated his anxieties while providing a deceptive sense of security. The emotional landscape of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe 's reign was marked by profound alienation, as noted by Queyroz, who observed that he became increasingly estranged from his inner circle. His growing mistrust led him to suspect conspiracies against his rule, prompting him to execute many of his closest advisors and military leaders, including the poisoning of his right-hand man, Wicramasinghe Maha Senevi. This pattern of behavior illustrates not only the intense paranoia that gripped Rajasinha but also the sudden outbursts of rage and emotional instability that characterized his later years, painting a complex portrait of a ruler whose mind was deeply affected by the traumas of his past.

The narrative illustrates the king's descent into a state of emotional turmoil characterized by sudden and violent outbursts of rage, which became increasingly unpredictable over time. His responses to relatively minor political challenges or military stalemates were often disproportionate, leading to immediate and harsh repercussions for those in his vicinity. This pattern of behavior not only instilled fear among his subjects but also created an atmosphere of tension and anxiety within his court. Furthermore, Queyroz emphasized a disturbing trend of emotional numbing and a complete absence of remorse in the king's actions, which manifested in a reign of terror against his own people. This chilling lack of empathy, coupled with a willingness to execute thousands, has been interpreted by contemporary psychologists as a form of "emotional anesthesia," a psychological defense mechanism developed after enduring years of gruesome warfare. As the king's mental health deteriorated, he became increasingly isolated, effectively exiling himself from the very society he ruled. Queyroz portrayed him as a profoundly lonely figure, abandoned by loyal friends and court nobles due to his erratic behavior and unfounded accusations. Ultimately, the relentless demands of warfare took a significant toll on his physical and mental well-being, leading to what can be described as "battle fatigue." Having been engaged in continuous, brutal combat since the tender age of sixteen, the cumulative effects of this relentless violence contributed to his later erratic conduct, underscoring the profound impact of prolonged exposure to the horrors of war on his psyche.

The Final Battle and Death

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe’s final battle took place in Kandy, where he faced off against Konappu Bandara, also known as King Wimaladharmasurya, the son of the once-loyal Weerasundara Bandara. Weerasundara Bandara had previously been a staunch ally of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, assisting him in the struggle against the Portuguese invaders. However, a tragic turn of events led to King Seethawaka Rajasinghe harboring unfounded suspicions about Weerasundara Bandara, culminating in the latter's untimely death at the hands of the king he had once served faithfully. This betrayal ignited a fierce desire for vengeance in King Wimaladharmasurya, who vowed to avenge his father's death.

The ensuing battle was marked by brutality and chaos, ultimately resulting in King Seethawaka Rajasinghe's defeat. In the midst of his retreat, he suffered a grave injury after falling from his horse, with a bamboo splinter piercing his leg. This injury would prove fatal, as he succumbed to complications, possibly due to tetanus or septicemia, just days later. (Some historians suggest that after King Seethawaka Rajasinghe suffered a severe injury, the royal physician, harbouring a profound animosity towards the king, exacerbated the situation by introducing poison into the wound, thereby worsening the infection). Thus, the saga of a formidable warrior came to a close.

Revered as the Lion of Seethawaka, he instilled fear in the hearts of Portuguese colonizers, earning a reputation as a liberator. Yet, as time passed, he became an enigmatic figure, with the psychological scars of war potentially altering his aspirations and character. Had he not experienced such profound changes, he might have been celebrated as one of the great heroes in the annals of Sri Lankan history.

  

The Historical Significance of the Diagnosis

The historical analysis of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe through the lens of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) significantly reshapes the traditional view of his rule. Instead of being seen solely as a tyrant or a straightforward villain, he is revealed as a multifaceted leader and skilled military strategist whose mental state was severely affected by the continuous violence he enacted to protect his kingdom. This interpretation fosters a more nuanced understanding of his tragic psychological decline, demonstrating that the very warfare meant to defend his territory also led to his mental disintegration. His narrative serves as a powerful reminder of the often-ignored psychological consequences of conflict, emphasizing the profound and invisible wounds that war inflicts on those who participate in it. Additionally, the writings of Jesuit Father Fernão de Queyroz from the 17th century are significant in this context, as they document a prominent figure who lived from 1532 to 1593 and displayed symptoms of PTSD. Notably, while Western literature attributes the first comprehensive accounts of PTSD to Samuel Pepys' diaries in 1666, following the Great Fire of London, Queyroz's observations predate these records, highlighting the historical depth of this psychological condition.

ගෝමික - ගෝටා සහ ලංකාව හදපු පරමාණු බෝම්බය

ගෝමිකයගේ  ඇන්දිලි දැකලා මම කෙටි කතාවක් ලිව්වා. නමුත් ඒක සම්පූර්ණ කර ගන්න බැරි උනා. ඒකේ ප්ලොට් එක මෙහෙමයි. රතන හා පාදෙනියලා ගෝටව අන්දගෙන ඉන්න කාලේ වියනා වල ඉන්න ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයෙක් නිවුක්ලියර් සයන්ටීස්ට් කෙනෙක් වගේ වෙස් වෙලාගෙන අණතුරු දායක නැති රේඩියේෂන් නිකුත් කරන Potassium-40 (\(^{40}K\))). මූලද්‍රව්‍ය අඩංගු ඊයම් ටින් එකක් සහ ගයිගර් කවුන්ටරයක් අර ගෙන ලංකාවට එනවා. ඇවිත් ප්‍රකට ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙක් හරහා ගෝටව කන්ටැක් කර ගන්නවා. 

මෑන් ගෝටට කියනවා සර් මට නිවුක්ලියර් බොම්බ් එකක් හදන්න පුලුවන් හදන්න පුලුවන්. මම ආවේ වියනා වලින් අවශ්‍ය යුරේනියම් මා ලඟ තියනවා කියලා අර Potassium-40 (\(^{40}K\))).ටින් එක ලඟට ගයිගර් කවුන්ටරය දාලා ගෝටව අන්දනවා. ඒ එක්කම කියනවා සර් මේක අභි රහසක් කාටවත් කියන්න එපා අපි න්‍යෂ්ටික බෝම්බයක් හදනවා කියලා දැන ගත්තොත් ඉන්දියාව - ඊශ්‍රායලය - ඇමරිකාව වහාම අපිට එදිරිව එන්න පුලුවන්. ඒ නිසා අපි මේ බොම්බ් එක හොරෙන් හදන්න ඕනේ මෑන් හැට්න් ප්‍රොජෙක්ට් එක වගේ. මේ පිලිබඳව කැබිනට් එකට වත් කියන්න එපා. මේක  දැන ගත යුත්තේ සර් සහ මා පමණයි කියලා. මට පුලුවන් මාස 12 ඇතුලත  නිවුක්ලියර් බොම්බ් එක  හදන්න​. ඒකට ඇමරිකන් $ මිලියනයක් ඕනේ කියලා. 

මෙහෙම කොන්- මෑන් නෑබොඩ ප්‍රදේශයෙන් ඉඩමක් අරගෙන ගෝටගේ පීඑස්ඩී එවුන්ව ගාඩ් එකට තියලා කොන්ක්‍රීට් වලින් ස්ට්ක්චර් එකක් හදලා ඒක ඇතුලේ යකඩ ගෝලයක් ( ෆුට් බෝල් 3 විතර ලොකු ප්‍රමාණයක​) හදලා ඒකේ එලියෙන් වයර් ගහලා කියනවා මේක තමයි බෝම්බය කියලා. ඒ අතරවාගේ අර USD  මිලියනය අරගෙන මෑන් ලංකාවෙන් පිට වෙනවා. ගෝටා හිතනවා තමන් ලඟ පරමානු බෝම්බයක් තියනවා කියලා අර Potassium-40 ඇතුලේ තියන යකඩ බෝලයට ෆුල් ගාඩ් එක දෙනවා. 

මේ කතාව මම ලිව්වේ බාගෙට. මේ ප්ලොට් එක අරගෙන මගේ කතාව පැහැර ගන්න එපා. ඒක බුද්ධිමය දේපල මංකොල්ලකෑමක් වෙනවා. 

ආයෝජකයෝ බිල්ලෝ කිරීම

 

1980 ගනන් වල ඉරිදා දිවයින පත්තරේ  විදෙස් ආයෝජකයන්ට එරෙහි බිල්ලෝ මව මව ලිපි පල වුනා.  ආයෝජකයෝ යනු රාක්‍ෂයන් කියලයි ගැමි මනස හැදුවා. එක දේශපාලකයෙක් ආයෝජකයෝ ඉඹලා  පිලිගන්න ඕන කියලා කියපු එකට ලොකු විවේචන ආවා (අද ආයෝජකයෝ වැඳලා පිලිගන්නේ). වෝල්ස් අයිස්ක්‍රීම් වගේ ආයෝජකයෝ එලෙව්වා. වෙලඳ කලාපෙට ආපු ආයෝජකයන්ව බය කලා. ඔවුන්ව පලවා හරින්න නිතර උත්සහ කලා. ආයෝජකයෝ වියට්නාමයට ගියා. වියට්නාමයේ ආර්ථිකය නැගිට්ටා. 2025 වියට්නාමය  ඇමරිකන් $ බිලියන 30.24 ආයෝජන ලබා ගත්තා. මේ ඇමරිකාව සමග ෆේස් ටු ෆේස් යුද්ද කරපු රටක්.  ආයෝජකයෝ නැතුව ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික හොම්බෙන් ගියා. ලංකාවට ආපු ආයෝජකයන් ස්වල්ප දෙනාගෙනුත් දේශපාලකයෝ කොමිස් අල්ලස් ඉල්ලන්න ගියා. වරක් අතාවුද සෙනෙවිරත්න තමන්ට කොමිස් නොදුන්න නිසා ඔහුගේ ප්‍රදේශයේ එක් ආයෝජකයෙක් ගේ පානීය ජල ව්‍යාපෘතියක් කඩලා දැම්මා. ඒ ආයෝජකයා සල්ලි අරගෙන මාලදිවයිනට ගියා. ලංකාව ආයෝජකයන්ට නුසුදුසු රටක් කියලා ආයෝජකයන් අතර මතයක් ගියා. කෙසේ නමුත් ලංකාව බංකොලොත් වූ පසු ජනතාවට / වාමාංශිකයන්ට සහ ආණ්ඩුවට ආයෝජකයන් ගේ වටිනාකම තේරුම් ගියා.