Monday, March 2, 2026

Serial Killers Reported in Sri Lanka

 



Professor Muditha Vidanapathirana & Dr. Ruwaan M Jayatunge

Serial homicide is defined as the unlawful killing of two or more individuals in separate events, according to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI, 2005). Hickey (2016) explains that serial killers engage in a series of murders, often driven by psychological motives and identifiable patterns or methods. These individuals frequently feel an irresistible urge to kill, influenced by various factors such as a quest for power, control, or the need to satisfy profound psychological impulses (Hare, 1999).

According to Hickey (2016) Serial murders are characterized by a series of homicides, typically committed by the same individual over a period of time, with a distinct cooling-off period between each crime. These murders often exhibit specific patterns, including the selection of victims based on particular traits, such as age, gender, or lifestyle, which can reflect the perpetrator's psychological motivations. Reid (2016) indicates that Serial homicide is an intentional, premeditated act, not a crime carried out on impulse or in response to a perceived provocation or threat. 

The rise of serial murder is seldom linked to a singular factor; rather, experts consider it a confluence of genetic tendencies, psychological growth, and particular social circumstances. Psychologically, many serial killers exhibit traits associated with antisocial personality disorder, including a lack of empathy, impulsivity, and a propensity for manipulation, which can drive them to commit heinous acts without remorse. (Stone, 2001).

Marono et al. (2020) proposed that early childhood sexual abuse correlates with violent behaviours at crime scenes, such as mutilation, torture, and binding, while physical or psychological abuse is often associated with overkill. Arrigo and Griffin (2004) suggest that maladaptive attachment styles formed in childhood may lead to the emergence of serial killing tendencies. Leyton (2005) emphasizes that social factors, including isolation and a lack of supportive relationships, can exacerbate feelings of alienation, potentially motivating individuals to exert power and control through violence, which may manifest as serial killing. Additionally, genetic factors significantly influence the propensity for extreme violence, with research identifying specific genetic markers associated with traits like impulsivity, aggression, and reduced empathy, traits commonly observed in serial offenders (Tiihonen et al., 2015).

Throughout history, numerous serial killers have gained infamy, including figures such as Jack the Ripper from the United Kingdom in 1888, Ted Bundy from the USA, Andrei Chikatilo from the Soviet Union, Luis Garavito from Colombia, Javed Iqbal from Pakistan, Charles Sobhraj from French Indochina, Kampatimar Shankariya from India, and Robert Pickton from Canada. Notably, until 2003, Sri Lanka had not recorded any cases of serial murders, marking a significant contrast to the global prevalence of such crimes.

  

The First Recorded Serial Killer in Sri Lanka

In 2003, a mobile vendor from the Madugoda area, located near Udadumbara in the Kandy district, was apprehended in connection with a series of atrocious crimes. This individual, who operated as a travelling salesman selling household items between 10:00 AM and 12:00 noon, specifically targeted vulnerable women living alone, and in some instances, even a child. The perpetrator, known as the "Madugoda Serial Killer," was identified by investigations led by the Kandy Police as a suspect in multiple murders, which he committed primarily through strangulation. His actions were driven not by a desire for material gain but rather by a disturbing need for emotional gratification and sadistic satisfaction, stemming from a troubled childhood marked by paternal neglect and a lack of maternal affection. This emotional turmoil likely fueled his resentment towards female figures, influencing his choice of victims. Officially, he is linked to the murders of seven individuals, each case reflecting the deep-seated issues that plagued his early years and shaped his violent tendencies.

  

M. G. Nawarathna: From Child Monk to a Serial Killer

M. G. Nawarathna emerged as a notorious serial killer in Sri Lanka during the early 2000s, with his criminal activities spanning from 2000 to 2003. His chilling reputation is largely attributed to his background in law enforcement, having served as a Police Constable, and his methodical approach to committing crimes.   Nawarathna had a complex history, having once been ordained as a Buddhist monk before transitioning to a career in policing. Over the course of his criminal career, he was responsible for the murders of 11 individuals, predominantly targeting women—ten of his victims were female, alongside a tragic case involving a four-year-old boy. His heinous acts primarily took place in the regions of Weyangoda, Warakapola, and Nittambuwa, where he specifically sought out solitary women to rob them of their jewelry and other valuables. Nawarathna's reign of terror came to an end in November 2003 when he was apprehended by the Special Task Force and the Central Province Special Investigation Unit, following the discovery of his last victim, a young girl from Pamunugama, whose body was found in Hamilton Lake. After his arrest, he was tried and, in July 2012, found guilty of murder by the High Court of Kegalle, receiving a death sentence. His subsequent appeal to the Court of Appeal was dismissed later that same year, solidifying his status as one of Sri Lanka's most infamous criminals.

  

Kotakethana Serial Killer

Neil Lakshman, active between 2008 and 2015, was implicated in the murders of six women in the Kahawatta and Kotakethana regions. A comprehensive investigation spanning seven years ultimately uncovered DNA evidence that connected him to several crime scenes. Psychological evaluations indicated that his violent tendencies were likely rooted in childhood trauma; he reportedly experienced profound anger after being ridiculed by an elderly woman during his youth. This early humiliation seemingly fostered a deep-seated resentment towards older women, which experts suggest may explain his choice of victims—primarily single women over the age of 40 who lived alone. Over the course of his criminal activities, Lakshman is believed to have murdered between six and seven women, employing a heavy, sharp weapon to inflict multiple severe injuries, with each victim suffering at least nine significant wounds. Following the brutal attacks, he would place the bodies on a mattress and set the residence ablaze in an attempt to obliterate any evidence of his crimes. His actions were marked by extreme brutality, including instances of rape and vicious assaults with sharp instruments, often culminating in the incineration of the victims or their homes to eliminate traces of his odious acts. In February 2024, the Ratnapura High Court sentenced Lakshman to death for his crimes, bringing a measure of closure to the communities affected by his violent spree.  analyzing murders in the Kahawatta area Vidanapathirana and team (2018) speculated the intriguing possibility of multiple, independent serial killers operating simultaneously within the same region.

  

The "Beggars' Killer "

The "Beggars' Killer “was active between 2010 and 2011and exhibited pronounced anti-social traits and confessed to the brutal slaying of 14 individuals, primarily beggars, across nine towns, including Colombo. His modus operandi involved attacking his victims—most of whom were male—while they slept, delivering fatal blows to the head with heavy objects such as granite stones or concrete blocks. The murders took place during the early hours, typically between 2:00 AM and 4:00 AM, in locations like Wellawatta, Kotahena, and Slave Island, where he targeted those vulnerable and alone on the streets. Initially feigning an inability to communicate, he later revealed the details of his crimes, accurately identifying all the crime scenes to law enforcement. Of the 14 victims, 13 were beggars—11 men and 2 women—while the remaining victim was a drunken man found sleeping on the pavement. Although robbery was initially suspected as a motive, forensic investigations uncovered elements of ritualistic behaviour and distinct cooling-off periods between the murders. Furthermore, he admitted to attempting to sexually assault one female victim, indicating a complex psychological profile characterized by Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD) and a profound internalized disdain for his own social group. As a beggar himself, he projected his self-hatred onto his victims, perceiving them as "worthless" and "burdensome" to society, which fueled his violent actions. Ultimately, he was deemed legally sane and fully cognizant of the ramifications of his brutal acts. Vidanapathirana (2013) concluded that the suspect met clinical criteria for a serial killer, including exhibiting anti-social personality traits and specific "cooling-off" periods between crimes. 

 

The Rise of Serial Murders in Sri Lanka

The emergence of serial murders in Sri Lanka has become a concerning phenomenon. Factors contributing to this unsettling trend may include socio-economic challenges, psychological issues, and a lack of effective law enforcement strategies to address such heinous crimes. The media coverage surrounding these incidents has further intensified public fear and anxiety, prompting discussions about the underlying causes and potential preventive measures.

The increase in serial murders within a society can often be attributed to a complex interplay of social, psychological, and environmental factors that create a conducive environment for such heinous acts. In areas characterized by significant social fragmentation, where individuals experience isolation, alienation, or a lack of community support, the conditions may inadvertently foster the rise of serial killers (Haggerty& Ellerbrok, 2011). Over the past fifty years in Sri Lanka, the society has undergone dramatic transformations, with social disintegration exacerbated by racial and political violence, particularly during the thirty-year armed conflict. These societal upheavals have instilled a profound sense of mistrust, alienation, and hostility among the populace (Jayatunge, 2015). 

The increase in serial murders in Sri Lanka can be attributed to a range of underlying factors. Mental health issues, coupled with socioeconomic challenges like poverty and unemployment, often lead to feelings of frustration and hopelessness. These emotions can push individuals toward extreme behaviours to regain a sense of control or seek acknowledgment from society. Jayasundara (2021) argues that murder in Sri Lanka is primarily driven by socioeconomic deprivation and low educational attainment, leading individuals from marginalized backgrounds to react with extreme violence to trivial, daily life matters.

Over the past few decades, there has been a notable increase in child abuse, largely due to insufficient child protection measures, resulting in many adults emerging from troubled childhoods.  Over the past two decades, statistics regarding child sexual abuse in Sri Lanka have revealed a troubling trend that underscores the urgent need for intervention and reform

Maternal deprivation is a prevalent issue in Sri Lanka, particularly among families with lower incomes, where many mothers seek employment opportunities in Middle Eastern countries. This migration often results in children being raised by their grandparents or other relatives, leading to a significant absence of maternal affection and guidance during crucial developmental years. The emotional and psychological ramifications of this separation can be profound, as numerous children experience the effects of maternal deprivation syndrome, which can manifest in various behavioral and emotional challenges. Siriwardhana et al. (2015) argue that maternal labor migration in Sri Lanka leads to significant adverse mental health outcomes, including increased emotional and behavioral problems.

The cycle of trauma has led individuals to channel their frustrations and anger towards society. Additionally, significant social disruptions, such as the uprisings in 1971, the racial riots of 1983, and the prolonged civil war lasting 30 years, have further eroded the social fabric of the nation, contributing to a climate of violence and instability (Somasundaram, 2007). 

Research conducted by Shanafelt and Pino (2015) highlights that the development of serial murderers is influenced by a complex interaction of personal history, psychological characteristics, and prevailing societal conditions. It is essential to recognize that such violent behavior arises not from a singular cause but from a confluence of biopsychosocial factors that culminate in extreme violence. Consequently, understanding the rise of serial killers within Sri Lankan society necessitates an examination of these multifaceted concepts.

 

The Factors Prevented the Identification of Serial Murders in Sri Lanka

The lack of documented cases of "serial murder" in Sri Lanka before 2003 does not imply that such offenders were absent; instead, a combination of systemic and societal factors hindered their formal acknowledgment. Before this period, law enforcement and the medical community in Sri Lanka often regarded homicides as standalone events, neglecting to investigate potential serial connections.

During the tumultuous times of the JVP insurrection and the protracted armed conflict in the North, the primary focus of police and security forces was on counter-terrorism and national security, which resulted in many individual murder cases being inadequately explored. Furthermore, the absence of a robust criminal profiling system and limited forensic capabilities during this era significantly restricted the authorities' ability to discern patterns that might suggest serial criminal behaviour.

The case of the Madugoda Serial Killer, who operated between 2000 and 2003, is frequently referenced as the first officially recognized instance of serial murder in the recent history of the country, marking a pivotal moment in the understanding and classification of such crimes in Sri Lanka.

 

Challenges Faced by Law Enforcement Officers

The challenges faced by law enforcement in Sri Lanka during investigations of serial murderers are both substantial and intricate. A significant issue is the lack of resources, which includes inadequate forensic technology and insufficient specialized training for officers dealing with serial crimes. This highlights the urgent need for ongoing education in areas such as criminal profiling and behavioral analysis. Furthermore, effective communication and collaboration among local police, national law enforcement, and forensic experts are crucial for enhancing evidence collection and identifying patterns across cases.

Understanding the psychological motives of serial killers, along with the socio-economic factors that contribute to their behavior, is essential for developing targeted prevention strategies. Engaging community members in discussions about crime prevention can foster increased awareness and vigilance regarding suspicious activities, while incorporating behavioral analysis into investigations can significantly improve the identification and apprehension of serial offenders.


Social Buffers Against Serial Murder Activity

In Sri Lanka, various social mechanisms serve as protective barriers against the occurrence of serial murders. The community remains highly alert to the presence of unfamiliar individuals, and traditional neighborhood watch initiatives are actively engaged in monitoring local activities. Historically, Sri Lankan society has been characterized by strong interpersonal connections, fostering close-knit communities where residents are generally well-acquainted with each other's routines and backgrounds. This inherent social cohesion acts as a significant deterrent, complicating the efforts of clandestine, predatory individuals to operate without detection for extended periods. The collective vigilance and interconnectedness of the populace create an environment that is less conducive to the anonymity required for such heinous acts to flourish.

 

Preventive Measures

To effectively combat the rise of serial murders in Sri Lanka, a comprehensive strategy is imperative, integrating law enforcement enhancements, community participation, and mental health support. Primarily, bolstering the skills of law enforcement personnel through targeted training in criminal profiling and behavioral analysis can greatly enhance their capacity to detect and apprehend potential serial offenders before their actions escalate. Moreover, fostering inter-agency collaboration and leveraging cutting-edge forensic technologies will facilitate the prompt collection and examination of evidence, thereby improving the likelihood of resolving cases efficiently. Equally important is the role of community engagement; public awareness initiatives can empower citizens to recognize and report suspicious activities, creating a vigilant society.

Additionally, addressing root social issues such as poverty and inadequate mental health services is vital in reducing the factors that lead to violent behavior. Establishing robust support systems for vulnerable individuals, including access to counseling and rehabilitation programs, can deter potential offenders from engaging in violence. Furthermore, prioritizing the prevention of child abuse and neglect is crucial, as affected children require psychological support to heal and thrive. By weaving together these diverse strategies, Sri Lanka can develop a holistic framework aimed at diminishing the threat of serial murders and promoting a safer environment for all its citizens.

 

Personal Communications

Professor Alexandr Bukhanovsky - Psychiatrist
Retired Senior DIG Mr. Nimal Madiwaka
Retired Senior DIG Mr. M.R. Latiff


References

Arrigo BA, Griffin A. Serial murder and the case of Aileen Wuornos: attachment theory, psychopathy, and predatory aggression. Behav Sci Law. 2004;22(3):375-93. doi: 10.1002/bsl.583. PMID: 15211558.

Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2005). Serial murder: Multi-disciplinary perspectives for investigators. U.S. Department of Justice. https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/stats-services-publications-serial-murder-serial-murder-july-2008-pdf.

Haggerty, K. D., & Ellerbrok, A. (2011). The social study of serial killers. Criminal Justice Matters, 86(1), 6–7. doi.org.

Hare, R. D. (1999). *Without Conscience: The Disturbing World of the Psychopaths Among Us*. Guilford Press.

Hickey, E. W. (2016). Serial murderers and their victims (6th ed.). Cengage Learning.

Jayasundara, M. W. (2021). Factors that influence individuals to become murderers in Sri Lanka. International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science, 5(1), 407–414.

Jayatunge, R.M.(2015). The Psychological Impact of Political Violence in Sri Lanka. Groundviews https://groundviews.org/2010/04/20/the-psychological-impact-of-political-violence-in-sri-lanka/

Leyton, E. (2005). Hunting humans: The rise of the modern multiple murderer. McClelland & Stewart. (Original work published 1986).

Marono AJ, Reid S, Yaksic E, Keatley DA. A Behaviour Sequence Analysis of Serial Killers' Lives: From Childhood Abuse to Methods of Murder. Psychiatr Psychol Law. 2020 Feb 6;27(1):126-137. doi: 10.1080/13218719.2019.1695517. PMID: 32284784; PMCID: PMC7144278.

Reid, S. (2016). Compulsive criminal homicide: A new nosology for serial murder. Aggression and Violent Behavior, doi: 10.1016/j.avb.2016.11.005.

Shanafelt, R., & Pino, N. W. (2015). The evolution of serial homicide: A multidisciplinary approach. Academic Press.

Siriwardhana, C., Wickramage, K., Jayaweera, K., Sahabandu, S., Hui, H. G., Sharma, J., & Sumathipala, A. (2015). Impact of maternal migration on mental health and well-being of children left behind: A cross-sectional study in Sri Lanka. BMC Public Health, 15(1), 1–11. doi.org.

Somasundaram, D. (2007). Collective trauma in northern Sri Lanka: A qualitative psychosocial-ecological study. International Journal of Mental Health Systems, 1(7). doi.org.

Stone, M. H. (2001). Personality disorders in serial killers. American Journal of Forensic Psychiatry, 22(1), 5–15.

Tiihonen, J., Rautiainen, M. R., Ollila, H. M., Repo-Tiihonen, E., Virkkunen, M., Palotie, A., Pietiläinen, O., Kristiansson, K., Hosrud, G. L., Lindberg, N., Eriksson, J. G., Belliveau, R. A., Curtis, C. P., Chatterton, Z., & Lähteenvuo, M. (2015). Genetic background of extreme violent behavior. Molecular Psychiatry, 20(6), 786–792. doi.org.

Vidanapathirana, M. (2013). Have thirteen beggars been killed by a serial killer? Galle Medical Journal, 18(2), 17–22.

Vidanapathirana, M., Ruwanpura, R. P., Illeperuma, R. J., Attygalle, U., Dasanayake, P. B., Wijewardene, H., Gunathilake, T. K. M. B., Wijetunga, K. W. M. B., & Rathnayake, I. (2018). Medico-legal investigation of a series of female murders in Sabaragamuwa Province, Sri Lanka. Medico-Legal Journal of Sri Lanka, 6(2), 55–63. doi.org.

Thursday, February 26, 2026

Building on Professor Gananath Obeyesekere's Legacy - by Dr. Eric Smadja



I got in touch with Professor Gananath Obeyesekere around twenty  years ago, when I came across his book The Work of Culture, Symbolic Transformation in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology, while I was involved in my research on the Freudian notion of the "work of culture." And then, I sent him my paper. From this time, we kept in touch, and I was well-acquainted with his scholarly contributions. 

My introduction to Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge came through my long-time friend Gananath Obeyesekere, and I had the pleasure of meeting Dr. Jayatunge in Paris a few years back. I was happy to see Dr. Jayatunge engaged with and analyzed the work of Gananath Obeyesekere, as this endeavour is vital for preserving and advancing Obeyesekere's academic legacy. 

The continuation of such intellectual pursuits not only honors the contributions of a remarkable scholar but also enriches the broader academic community by fostering a deeper understanding of his insights and ideas. 

I would like to say a few words about my friend Obeyesekere and his book. The Work of Culture, Symbolic Transformation in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology, which I read carefully and analyzed during the preparation of my book The Oedipus Complex, a focus of psychoanalysis/anthropology debate (Routledge, 2017). Among those who had inspired, stimulated, and nourished his thought in a major way, Obeyesekere mentioned the anthropologists Spiro and Leach; Freud, obviously; and the philosophers Paul Ricoeur and Ludwig Wittgenstein. 

2 The notion of the "work of culture" found in Freud’s work unifies this book, which tackles diverse themes, among them, rituals, myths, history, and the Oedipus complex, but also a critical reflection on Freudian metapsychology and the divergences and convergences between anthropology and psychoanalysis. 

Let us look at his conception of the Oedipus complex and the work of culture. The Oedipus complex: Using mythological and clinical data, he presents the Hindu Indian Oedipus complex and the Buddhist Sri Lankan Oedipus complex in boys. Based on these data, he invites readers to engage in a completely personal reflection contesting any universality of Oedipal myths and complexes in the sense of the existence of an invariant structure or model, contrary to the ideas of his American colleague Melford Spiro. They should, however, show us "family resemblances," a term inspired by Wittgenstein's relativism, enabling him to escape from the constraining universalist perspective of the Freudian conception. And what about the Oedipus complex in girls? 

Finally, he sees the Western Oedipus complex as representing a "form" of life, one "scenario" among many others exhibiting "family resemblances" within or through cultures, all "derived as forms of life from the identical universal muddy bottom. "This is a metaphor, symbolizing our common human nature, with its basic human behaviors and its 'existential' universals, and, according to him, the ground of our human nature is psychobiological. 

3. Finally, Obeyesekere seems to favor the cultural structuration of family. relations constituting the bases of multiple oedipal scenarios exhibiting "family resemblances" among themselves, the whole resting upon the "muddy bottom" or psychobiological human ground. He differentiates the historical Oedipus complex from that of the myths. and the diverse family configurations are largely influenced by religious values and multiple symbolic forms. The notion of «work of culture» To think through and make intelligible certain aspects of the relations between culture and unconscious deep motivation, Obeyesekere resorts to the notion of a "work of culture" inspired by Freud and the notion of a "work of art" proposed by Ricoeur. So, how are unconscious motivations transformed into symbolic forms, be they personal symbols, myths, or collective representations? The term "work of culture" designates this set of processes of symbolic transformations of unconscious motivations into cultural symbols that are bearers of meaning for the individual, involving both the person and the culture. 

Recent research has led me to see his conception of a "work of culture" as representing one aspect of what is covered by the Freudian notion of Kulturarbeit. Unlike his many colleagues, Obeyesekere displays profound knowledge of Freudian thought, and the critical attitude he takes is stimulating and constructive. In addition, the remarkable depth of his reflection—nourished by philosophers, notably—combines with a rich experience of the Asian and Eastern worlds. 

4 The avenues of research that he endeavours to explore—that of symbolic transformations from deep motivations, the notion of «work of culture» To account for this, its connection with dream work as a model is particularly attractive and subtle and raises questions having definite heuristic value. Nonetheless, it is interesting to note that by using the term "work" on the model of "dream work," he reduces it to rules and processes without inquiring into its correlative energizing, economic, and dynamic dimension. Meaning must certainly take precedence over energization, but the processes and symbolic transformations cannot take place without expending energy. This is something that "witch metapsychology" has. taught us. So, he seems to reject Freud’s theory of drives, only retaining the hermeneutic dimension of psychoanalysis. Dear Ganananth, I express my deep gratitude and admiration for your wonderful work. 

Dr. Eric Smadja- psychiatrist-psychoanalyst (adults and couples) based in Paris, member of the Société psychanalytique de Paris and of the International Psychoanalytical Association; anthropologist, associate member of the American Anthropological Association and member of the Society for Psychological Anthropology.









ලීල් ගුණසේකර මහතා සහ 71 කැරැල්ල

 





ලීල් ගුණසේකර මහතා 71 කැරැල්ලට සහභාගී වු කැරැලිකරුවන් පුනරුත්ථාපනයේදී සුවිශේසී කාර්‍ය භාරයක් ඉටු කලේය. මා ඔහුව මුලින්ම හඳුනා ගත්තේ පෙත්සම හා අත්සන යන කෘතින් හරහාය. පාසල් කාලයේදී අප ඉතා ආශාවෙන් කියවූ මෙම පොත් දෙකේ කතෘ මට ඔහුගේ තිම් බිරිගස්‍යාය  නිවසේදී හමුවිය. ලීල් ගුණසේකර මහතා 71 කැරැලිකරුවන් පුනරුත්ථාපනය පිලිබඳව මෙසේ කියා සිටී.

1970 සමගි පෙරමුණ ඇමති මන්ඩලයේ ලේකම් ලෙස මම කටයුතු කළා. ඒ කාලයේ රටේ තරුණ පිපිරීමක ලකුණු දකින්නට තිබුනා. සමඟි පෙරමුණ බලයට ඒම සඳහා කැරැල්ලට සහභාගී වූ තරුණයන් විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් සහය දුන් බව සඳහන් කළ යුතුයි. සමගි පෙරමුණ බලයට පත්වීමෙන් පසුව නව ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්පාදනය පිළිබඳව අවධානය යොමු කළා. මේ නිසා තරුණ තරුණියන්ගේ ගැටළු කෙරෙහි අවධානය ගිලිහී යන්නට ඇති. මට මතකයි ඇතැම් ඇමතිවරුන් විශේෂයෙන් අමාත්‍ය ආර්.එස්.පෙරේරා ලඟ එන තරුණ කැරැල්ලක් පිලිබඳව මැතිණියට අනතුරු ඇඟවූ අයුරු.

71 කැරැල්ලට සිරිමාවෝ බන්ඩාරනායක අගමැතිනිය ඉතා හොඳින් මුහුණ දුන්නා. ඇය අනවශ්‍ය  ලෙස​ බියට හෝ කලබලයට පත් වූයේ නැහැ. එසේම කැරැලිකරුවන් වග විභාගයකින් තොරව මරා දැමීමටත් ඇය එරෙහි වූවා. ඇය නිතරම කිව්වේ කැරලිකරුවන් අපේ රටේ තරුණයන්. ඔවුන්ව අපි ඝාතනය නොකොට යහ මඟට ගත යුතු බවයි.

කැරළිකරුවන් පුනරුත්තාපනය කිරීමට මැතිණියට අවශ්‍ය වුනා. ඒ අනුව සිවිල් සේවයේ නියතුව සිටි නිලධාරින් 12 දෙනෙකු සම්මුඛ පරීක්‍ෂණයට ලක් කිරීමෙන් පසු මට එම තනතුර දුන්නා. එම තනතුරේ නාමය වූයේ අතිරේක  ලේකම් පුනරුත්ථාපන කටයුතු  යන්නයි.

මෙම කටයුත්ත ඉතා බැරෑරුම් එකක්. මෙය ආරම්භ කලේ කැරැල්ලෙන් පසුව 1972 ජුනි මාසයේදි පමණ. ඒ වෙන කොට විශාල කැරලිකරුවන් සංඛ්‍යාවක් අතඩංගුවේ හිටියා. යම් කොටසක් යටි බිම්ගතවද ක්‍රියාත්මක වුනා.

කැරැල්ලට සහභාගී වූ තරුණ තරුණියන් උගත් එහෙත් රැඩිකල් චරිත. ඔවුන් නිබඳව රාජ්‍ය තන්ත්‍රයේ අඩුපාඩු ප්‍රශ්න කරපු අය. එවැනි පිරිසක් පුනරුත්ථාපනය කිරීම ලේසි පහසු කාර්‍යයක් නොවෙයි. පුනරුත්තථාපනය සඳහා මූලික වන්නේ හැඟීම් හා දැනීම. තරුණයන් වෙනුවෙන් යමක් කළ යුතු බව හා ඔවුන් අප රටේ කොටසක් යන හැඟීම හා ඔවුන්ට නිසි අයුරින් පුනරුත්ථාපනය කිරීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය දැනුම මේ සඳහා ඉවහල් වූවා.

හැඟීම් හා දැනිම තිබූ නිලධාරින් මා විසින්ම මෙම කාර්‍යය සඳහා තෝරා ගත්තා. අපට 20 000 පමණ කැරලිකරුවන් පිරිසක් සිටියා. එසේම පුනරුත්ථාපන කඳවුරු 18 ඇති කළා. මේ කඳවුරු විද්‍යෝදය, විද්‍යාලංකාර විශ්ව විද්‍යාල වල, කුන්ඩසාලේ, අනුරාධපුර, පොළොන්නරුව, අම්පාර, බදුල්ල හා දිවයිනේබන්ධනාගාරවලද ක්‍රියාත්මක කෙරුණා.

පුනරුත්ථාපන කර්තව්‍යයේදී බන්ඩාරනායක මැතිණි කියූ දෙයක් තමයි  කැරැලිකරුවන් පමණක් නොවේ ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාව් සාමාජිකයන් ද පුනරුත්ථාපනය කළ යුතු බවයි.  මේ අනුව කැරලිකරුවන්ට මානුෂිකව සැලකීම පිළිබඳව ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදා සාමාජිකයන් දැනුවත් කළා. රළු අයුරින් ඔවුන්ට නොසැලකීමත් හිංසනයට ලක් නොකිරීමටත් උපදෙස් දෙනු ලැබුවා.

1960 සහ 70 දශක වල තරුණ තරුණියන්ට ගැටළු තිබුණා. ඒ කාලයේ නිර්මාණය වූ කවි කෙටිකථා, නවකථා වල තරුණ අසහනය පෙන්නුම් කෙරුණා. මට මතකයි ඒ කාලයේ තමයි නාට්‍ය වලට මුලින්ම තුවක්කු යොදා ගත්තේ. අපට පුතේ මඟක් නැතේ වගේ නාට්‍ය මගින්ද තරුණයන් මුහුණ දුන් ගැටළු අසාධාරණ පෙන්නුම් කලා.

ගම් වල ඉඩම් ගැටළු තිබුණා. රජයේ නිලධාරින් ඇතැම් විට මිනිසුන්ගෙන් ඈත් වීමද කැරලි තත්වය ඇති වීමට එක් හේතුවක්. උදාහරණයක් හැටියට මම 1966 කෑගල්ල දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ දිසාපති. 1966 න් පසුව 1971 දක්වා දිසාපතිවරු 5 හෝ 6 සිටියා. ඔවුන් ජනතාවට සමීප වූයේ නැහැ. මේ නිසා කෑගල්ලේ නොසන්සුන්තාවන් වැඩි වශයෙන් වර්ධනය වීමට එක් හේතුවක් උනා. ඇල්පිටිය වැනි ප්‍රදේශ ගණනාවක මෙම සාධකය මම දුටුවා. දිසාපති ජනතාවගෙන් ඈත් වූ ප්‍රදේශ වල කැරලි උග්‍ර වීමේ සම්භාවිතාවක් තිබුනා කිව හොත් නිවැරදියි.

මුලින්ම මෙම කැරැල්ලට සහභාගී වූ තරුණ තරුණියන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාවට ලක් කලා. ඔවුන් කිව්වා ඔවුන් කැරළිකරුවන් වීමට හේතු පාදක වූ කරුණු. මේ සඳහා විරැකියාව ඉඩම් නොමැතිකම කුළ පීඩනය සමාජ අසාධාරණය වගේ කරුණු ඔවුන් පෙන්වා දෙනු ලැබුවා. ඒ වගේම එක් අයෙක් ප්‍රකාශ කළා ඔහු කැරලිකරුවෙක් වූයේ චේගුවේරා යුනිෆෝම් ඇඳගත් තරුණියන් වාහන වල යන විට ඔහුටත් එලෙස යුනිෆෝම් ඇඳ යාමට සිත් දුන් බවයි.

අපි පුනරුත්ථාපන මධ්‍යස්ථාන 18 ආරම්භ කළා. කාන්තාවන් සඳහා මීරිගම මධ්‍යස්ථානය ඇරඹුවා. මෙම කටයුත්ත ආරම්භයේදීම අපි විනිශ්චය විරහිත බව, ඔවුන් කැරලිකරුවන් වැරදිකරුවන් ලෙස සලකා දෝෂාරෝපණය නොකිරීම, ඔවුන්ගේ ප්‍රශ්න වලට මුල් තැනක් දීම වැනි මානුෂික ප්‍රවේශයකින් කටයුතු කල යුතු බවට ගිවිස ගත්තා.

සිරගතව සිටි කැරලිකරුවන්ට තම ඥාතීන් මුන ගැසීට අවශ්‍ය වූවා. අපි ඒ සඳහා අවකාශ ලබා දුන්නා. දෙමාපියන්ට තම දරුවන් බැලීමට නොමිලේ ගමන් බලපත්‍ර දෙනු ලැබුවා. අපි තරුණ කැරලිකරුවන්ට ආධ්‍යාත්මික මාර්ගෝපදේශයන් දුන්නා. ඒ වගේම සංස්කෘතික දැනුම වර්ධනය නාට්‍ය, ගීත ගැයීම් වැනි අවස්ථා ලබා දුන්නා. රැඳවියන්ට විභාග කිරීමට, අධ්‍යාපනය ලැබීමට, අවකාශ දුන්නා. ඒ අතර පුද්ගල කුසලතා වර්ධනයටත් තැනක් දුන්නා.

බොහෝ කැරළිකරුවන් මගේ කෘතින් කියවා සිටි පාඨකයන්. ඒ නිසා ඔවුන් හා මා අතර සන්නිවේදන ගැටළු මතු වුනේ නැහැ. මෙම තරුණියන් පුනරුත්ථාපනය කිරීමේදී පී.එම්. විෙජ්කෝන්, එම්.ඩී. ගුණපාල, ඩී.එස්. ලියනගේ වැනි නිලධාරින්ද වෛද්‍ය බුද්ධදාස බෝධිනායකද සහාය ලබා දුන්නා. අපි පුනරුත්ථාපන කටයුතු වලදී මනෝ වෛද්‍යවරයකුගේ සහාය ද ලබා ගත්තා. වෛද්‍ය චන්න විජේසිංහ  මහතා දක්‍ෂ මනෝ විශේෂඥයෙක්. එතුමා අපට ඛෙහෙවින්ම උපකාර කළා මෙම පුනරුත්ථාපන ක්‍රියාවලියේදී.

මම සෑම රැඳවියෙකුටම ෆයිල් එකක් විවෘත කෙරුවා. ඔවුන්ගේ ඉතිහාසය, කුසලතා, අධ්‍යාපන මට්ටම මෙහි සඳහන් කළා. එසේම ඔවුන්ට දේශන පැවැත්වීමට පූජ්‍ය පක්‍ෂය හා විවිධ මාතෘකා ඔස්සේ දැනුම ලබා දීමට දේශකයන් අප පුනරුත්ථාපන මධ්‍යස්ථාන වලට යැව්වා.

ඇතැම් කැරලිකරුවන් සුළු ව්‍යාපාර ඇරඹීමේ අපේක්‍ෂාවෙන් හිටියා. අපි ඔවුන්ට මූල්‍ය පහසුකම් ලබා දුන්නා. මට මතකයි වික්ටර් බන්ඩාර සේනාරත්නට නාට්‍ය කිරිමට අවශ්‍ය වුනා. අපි ඔහුට සංගීත භාන්ඩ ලබා දුන්නා. අද ඔහු වේල්ලස්සේ වෙඩි හ​ඞ වැනි ඉතා ජනප්‍රිය නාට්‍ය කරන අධ්‍යක්‍ෂකවරයෙක්.

මට මතකයි වරක් මම, අමාත්‍ය කේ.බී. රත්නායක සමඟ තෝපා වැව පුනරුත්තපන කඳවුර බලන්නට ගිය ගමන. එහිදි අතීත කැරලිකරුවන් අපිව වට කර ගත්තා. මම හැමදෙනාවම සන්සුන් වෙන්න කියලා ඉල්ලීමක් කළා. සිටින ස්ථාන වලම වාඩිවන ලෙසට.

එතන හිටපු එක් තරුණයෙක් මට කිව්වා ඔබතුමා මට පාසල් යන කාලයේදී දහම් පාසල් උත්සවයක දී තෑග්ගක් දී තිබූ බවට. මම ඒ තරුණයාට පැවරුවා ඇමතිතුමා පිළිගැනීමේ කථාව කරන්න. ඔහු ඉතා හොඳින් එම කථාව කළා. එසේම අනෙකුත් රැඳවියන් සංගීත ප්‍රසංගයක් හා නාට්‍යයක් රඟදැක්වූවා. වැඩසටහන අවසානයේදී අමාත්‍ය කේ.බි. රත්නායක මහතා ඉතා හැඟිම්බර කථාවක් කෙරුවා. ඒ කථාව මම මගේ ත්‍රිකෝන අරගලය කවි පොතේ දැක්වෙන්නේ මෙහෙමයි.



මොකක් හරි දෙයක් සිදු වුන බව ඇත්තයි
දුකක් තියෙන්නේ එහි බිහිසුනු පැත්තයි
ගියදේ ඉතින් ළමයිනි ඔහෙ ගියා වේ
බිය නොව ඉදිරියට විත් මේ වෙලාවේ
දිය යුතු වෙලාවයි ඔබ සැම සහයෝගේ
මෙතනින් ඉඳගන්න හොඳ ලමයින් වාගේ
ඔබලා වැනි පුතුන් දෙදෙනෙකු ඇත මටද
දරු සෙනෙහසින් උණුවෙයි මාගේ හදද
මා හා මෙහි පැමිණි ලේකම් අතිරේක
ඔබලා ගැන ලියා ඇත පොත පත නේක
අනුකම්පාව ඇති අගමැතිනියගෙ අතින්
හෙලිකොප්ටරෙන් ආවෙමු අපි අදම සැනින්
ජනතා මැද උපන් ජනතා වෙතට සෙමින්
යන අපි අද ආවේ නොපුරුදු ගමන දුකින්
ජාතික වස්තුවක් වන හෙළ තරුණ පෙල
සුමගට යොදවන්න කටයුතු සකස් කළ
පුනරුත්තාපනේ වැඩටික සකස් කළ
ගරු අගමැතිනි ඔබලා වෙත පෙමිනි දළ
කඳවුරු තුළ සිටින ඔබලට කෑම ටික
අසනීපයක් හැදුනොත් නිසි ඛෙහෙත් ටික
තිබුණත් නොයෙක් අතවර තව තිඛෙත හැක
දුරුකරගන්න ආවෙමි මම හිතේ සැක
පිරි පීඩිතව කඳවුරු තුළ කඳුළු බි බී
ඉන්නා සැටි දුටිමි සැම තැනකටම එබී
සෑම කඳවුරකටම ගොස් මම කරුණු සොයා
නෙක පැන වලට හැකි පිළියම් සොයන නිසා
රජයට සන්දේශයක් නිසි පරිදි ලියා
කටයුතු යොදමි ඔබ නිදහස් කරන නියා
ගරු ඇමතිඳුනි අවසර වචනෙකට එක
මේ වැනි දෙයක් සිදු වුනි නම් වෙන රටක
අප සැම දෙනා පෙල ගස්වා බිත්තියක
වෙඩිමුර කිහිපෙකින් අවසන් වනු නිසැක
සතවෙත පතළ මෙත් කරුණා බීජ හෙළ
වැපුරූ බිමේ ආසිරියෙන් වීර බල
ලත් ඇමතිදුනි අප වෙනුවෙන් සටන් කළ
ඔබ වැනි අයයි ජාතික ගැමි මුදුන් මුල
පුනරුත්ථථාපනෙන් නිසි සෙත සැල සේවා
ගුණ නැණ බලය ඉන් අප වෙත ලං වේවා
එඩිතර තරුණ ශක්තිය එක මුතු වේවා
රට වැසියන්ට හා රජයට සෙත් වේවා


මීරිගම කාන්තා කඳවුරේ තරුණියන් 700 පමණ සිටියා. ඔවුන්ටත් අපි විශේෂ පුනරුත්ථාපන වැඩ සටහන් ක්‍රියාත්මක කෙරුවා. වරක් මේම කඳවුර බැලීමට විදේශිකයෙක් ආවා. ඔහුගේ නම ඩග්ලස් හයිඩ්. ඩග්ලස් හයිඩ් මීරිගම කඳවුරට පැමිණි දිනයේ කාන්තා රැඳවියන් ඉතා හොඳ වැඩසටහනක් පැවැත්වූවා. ගීත ගායනා කළා. මේ පුනරුත්ථාපන වැඩ සටහන ඩග්ලස් හයිඩ් ගේ ප්‍රසාදයට ලක් වුණා.

මෙම වැඩසටහන අවසානයේ දී ඩග්ලස් හයිඩ් මට කිව්වා ඔහු ඉන්දුනීසියාවේ කාන්තා පුනරුත්ථාපන කඳවුරක් අධීක‍ෂණය කිරීමට ගිය විට කාන්තා රැඳවියන් ඉතා අපහාසාත්මක අයුරින් හැසුරුණු ආකාරය. ඔවුන් තම නිරුවත පවා පෙන්වා තිඛෙනවා. මීරිගම අපේ කාන්තා රැඳවියන්ගේ ශිෂ්ඨ හැසිරීම ඔහු ඉතා ප්‍රශංසා මුඛයෙන් කථා කළා.

1971 කැරැල්ලේ පුනරුත්ථාපනය අපි අපට හැකි ඉහලම ආකාරයට කෙරුවා. යම් යම් අඩුපාඩු තියෙන්න ඇති. නමුත් අපේ කර්තව්‍ය සාර්ථකයි කියලා හැෙඟන්නේ අපේ පුනරුත්ථාපන ක්‍රියාවලියේ හිටපු කැරළිකරුවන් 0.1% වත් 88/89 කාලේ දෙවන කැරැල්ලට සහභාගි වුයේ නැහැ. ඒ වගේම දෙවන කැරැල්ල හිස එසවූයේ ඉතා අමානුෂික ආකාරයට ඝාතන වැලකින්. දෙවන කැරැල්ලේ කැරලිකරුවන් කෙසේ පුනරුත්ථාපනය කළාද යන්න මම දන්නේ නැහැ. නමුත් පුනරුත්ථාපනයට වඩා කලේ ඔවුන්ව ශාරීරිකව විනාශ කර දැමීමයි.

එහෙත් 71 කැරැල්ලේදී එවකට පැවති රජය පුනරුත්ථාපනයට ඉඩක් දුන්නා. 71 කැරැල්ලෙන් පසු කොපමණ ප්‍රමාණයක් යළි සාර්ථකව සමාජගතවී සිටිනවාද? ඔවුන් වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් අද ඵලදායී පුරවැසියන්. ඒ ගැන සිතන විට එදා අපගේ දායකත්වය ගැන මට ඉතා සතුටක් දැනෙනවා.


(71 කැරැල්ල  ආරම්භයේ සිට අවසානය දක්වා පුර්ණ සමාලෝචනයක්  කෘතිය​  ඇසුරෙනි – වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග)





Sunday, February 22, 2026

Freud and Culture ; by Dr. Eric Smadja




Dr. Eric Smadja, a world-renowned psychiatrist and psychoanalyst and a member of the Société Psychanalytique de Paris,  presents on the topic of Freud and Culture, specifically addressing the Oedipus complex as a focal point in the psychoanalysis and anthropology debate. This program is hosted by Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

Video Link : (start with  13.10 ) 

Architects of Terror: A Comparison of Hitler and Stalin




Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

When comparing Hitler and Stalin, we uncover significant similarities and differences in their ideologies and methods of governance. Both leaders were responsible for the establishment of totalitarian regimes that prioritized state control over individual freedoms, employing propaganda and repression to maintain power.

There were a number of similarities and differences between them. Both were ruthless dictators, and both exterminated people without remorse. Both we antisemites.

Hitler and Stalin had tormented childhoods and were especially rejected by their fathers, endured paternal abuse, and, in the later part of their lives, had unresolved mental conflicts towards their fathers. These psychological features later navigated their character and behavior.

Hitler loved his mother, whereas Stalin hated his mother and often insulted her. When Hitler's mother died, he became emotionally devastated. When Stalin's mother died, his emotional reaction was insignificant, and he never bothered to attend her funeral.

Both Hitler and Stalin were mediocrities, not bright students. However, Hitler had some artistic creative ability, and Stalin had none. Stalin studied in a seminary, but due to revolutionary activities, he was expelled from the religious institution. Hence, he could not obtain a formal education.

Hitler served in the military and participated in World War I, and was exposed to combat stress. Stalin was arrested by the Tsar's secret police and was sent to Siberia; however, the Tsar's government used his opponents to send to the Eastern war front. Stalin had a limb deformity and was not suitable for military service.

When Hitler engaged in active combat, Stalin joined with the Bolsheviks and committed highway robberies and collected funds for the political organization. Stalin had no higher education and had no profound knowledge of Marxism, but he was a pragmatic man. He was a schemer and a manipulator.

Hitler was exposed to artillery fire and gas attacks and suffered from battle stress and combat-related dissociative reactions. Stalin saw no war theatre but engaged in gruesome acts in Georgia.

Hitler was a convincing orator and had oratory skills. But Stalin had no oratory skills, and he spoke Russian with a Georgian accent. His words could not convince the masses. Hitler ignited racial hatred, and Stalin fueled class envy. 

Stalin never had close human relationships; he was once close to his first wife, Kato, and when she died, his human side ceased to exist, and he became emotionally numbed. His second wife, Nadia, became disappointed in Stalin's political and personal actions and shot herself. During his life, Stalin had no close, affectionate people. Although he fathered three children, his favourite child, Svetlana, later denounced him. His two sons, Yakov, became a POW and died in a German war camp, and Vasily became an alcoholic and died prematurely.

Stalin never trusted anyone and was never close to anybody. He lived an isolated life. Stalin systematically purged his close associates and comrades who once stood by him. When he died, there was no one near him. Throughout his life, he struggled with invisible enemies and paranoia.

Hitler was close to his niece Geli, but the relationship was complicated. He emotionally abused her, and then she committed suicide. Hitler's connection with Eva Braun was largely superficial, serving more as a public facade than a genuine personal bond. They were not an intimate couple. Some experts believe that Hitler was a closet homosexual. (Stalin had numerous extramarital affairs, some of which involved significantly younger women). However, unlike Stalin, there were people such as Eva Braun, Josef Goebbels and his wife, Magda, who were ready to commit suicide along with him, demonstrating their loyalty.

Hitler became more professional with his military generals, whereas Stalin was harsh on them. Before WW2, Stalin eliminated nearly 45,000 higher-ranking Red Army officers, causing fear and confusion among them. Hitler, who was a corporal, had an inferiority complex while dealing with high-ranking German generals. Some German generals disregarded Hitler's orders, and some plotted to assassinate him. But the Russian military officers always feared great Stalin. 

The central inquiry we must address is the contrasting fates of Hitler and Stalin: why did Hitler ultimately fail while Stalin emerged victorious? This raises the question of whether Stalin was able to outmaneuver Hitler strategically. 

In my opinion, there are several possible reasons for Stalin's victory. Stalin controlled the Red Army with an iron fist; those who retreated were killed by the NKVD, and those who failed to fulfill military objectives were sent to penal battalions (Shtrafbats). Stalin allowed General Georgy Zhukov and others to do the master military planning. He hardly interrupted their plans but gave deadlines.

Hitler constantly interrupted his generals and overruled some key military attacks that led to immense debacles. Moreover, Hitler was treated with amphetamine by his doctor, Dr. Theodor Morell, and after some stage, Hitler became delusional. When the Red Army surrounded Berlin, he was ordering nonexistent divisions to attack the Red Army forces. But there was no formidable force to protect Berlin, only Hitler youths and a bunch of child soldiers like Peter Kanz were there.

Hitler's strategic miscalculations during the war, such as his invasion of the Soviet Union and the air campaign against England, significantly contributed to the United States' decision to enter the conflict and establish a second front. A multitude of factors played a role in both Hitler's downfall and Stalin's eventual triumph, indicating that no single element can be pinpointed as the decisive cause.







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