The Impact of Killing; Collision of Conscience; Case Vignettes from the Eelam War

 

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. PhD

Killing a human being is a psychologically distressing act (Jensen & Simpson, 2014). Research indicates that soldiers who have engaged in killing are at a higher risk of developing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) compared to those who have merely observed acts of violence (Winkle & Safer, 2011). Traditional PTSD frameworks focus heavily on fear, personal danger, and helplessness; in contrast, the act of killing creates unique trauma profiles characterized by issues of perpetration, moral conflict, and existential guilt (Maguen et al., 2011). The impact of killing during warfare notably heightens the likelihood of military veterans experiencing psychosocial issues and an increased risk of suicide (Purcell et al., 2026).  

Soldiers often find themselves grappling with a profound moral dilemma following the act of taking enemy lives, as they confront the stark contrast between their military conditioning and their innate human empathy. This internal conflict frequently leads to intense shame and an existential crisis, as they struggle to reconcile their actions with their moral beliefs and the value of human life. As a result of impact killing solders have functional impairment with higher rates of anger, violence, and relationship issues (Maguen et al., 2009).  Nordstrand and colleagues (2026) assert that the long-term psychological effects of killing are likely shaped by the specific context in which the act occurs. This complex interplay involves multiple factors, such as group norms, mission objectives, pre-deployment anticipations, and the process of reintegrating into civilian life, all of which can significantly influence the psychological aftermath of such actions.

The Eelam War in Sri Lanka, which spanned from 1983 to 2009, profoundly affected the psychological well-being of many combatants, particularly in relation to their experiences of killing enemy personnel. Given that Sri Lanka is predominantly a Buddhist nation, many soldiers were raised in environments steeped in Buddhist teachings, which emphasize the principles of Karma and rebirth. The act of taking a human life often led to significant internal conflict and distress, as these soldiers grappled with the moral implications of their actions in light of their cultural and spiritual beliefs.

The Impact of Killing (IOK) among military veterans in Sri Lanka has evolved into a multifaceted mental health crisis that spans several decades. This crisis is primarily fueled by profound moral injury, which arises from the ethical dilemmas faced during combat, alongside an overwhelming sense of spiritual guilt that veterans carry as a result of their experiences. Additionally, the lingering effects of unaddressed combat trauma contribute significantly to the psychological distress experienced by these individuals.  

During our treatment of soldiers, we encountered numerous combatants who exhibited significant personality transformations due to their experiences of taking enemy lives. The subsequent case vignettes illustrate the profound psychological responses these individuals faced.

Lieutenant RXT was a promising young officer whose aspirations for a distinguished military career were abruptly derailed during the tumultuous JVP uprising of 1988/89. The situation escalated dramatically when his camp was infiltrated by rebels, resulting in the tragic loss of five of his soldiers and an attempted theft of firearms. In the heat of the confrontation, Lieutenant RXT found himself in a position where he had to take the life of one of the assailants, an act that, while deemed necessary and justified in the context of self-defence, left an indelible mark on his psyche. The aftermath of this encounter proved to be devastating; the weight of having taken a life burdened him with profound guilt and remorse, leading to a gradual decline in his mental well-being. As he struggled to cope with the emotional fallout, he turned to alcohol as a means of escape, which in turn caused him to neglect his military responsibilities and fostered a pervasive sense of foreboding regarding his future. Over the years, this downward spiral intensified, culminating in a debilitating addiction to alcohol that necessitated multiple hospitalizations for alcohol-related disorders, further isolating him from both his personal relationships and professional obligations.

Sergeant Major TXL, a seasoned non-commissioned officer, had a distinguished career marked by his involvement in numerous operations against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). One particularly harrowing incident occurred when Sergeant Major TXL and his unit were ambushed while travelling in a military vehicle. This sudden attack resulted in the tragic loss of five of his comrades, plunging the team into a fierce firefight. The chaos of battle not only claimed the lives of his fellow soldiers but also led to collateral damage, tragically affecting innocent civilians caught in the crossfire. The emotional toll of this event weighed heavily on Sergeant Major TXL, leaving him profoundly shattered. As he progressed further into his military career, he found himself increasingly isolated, plagued by intrusive memories of the violence he had witnessed and participated in. These haunting recollections contributed to a deepening sense of despair, culminating in a desperate moment when he attempted to take his own life by jumping in front of an oncoming train. However, a turning point came when he sought spiritual therapy, which fostered a significant transformation in his life. Through this process, Sergeant Major TXL embraced a deeper faith, leading to a remarkable change in his personality and outlook on life as he found solace and purpose in his newfound spirituality.

The narrative of Major AWX serves as a distressing exploration of the profound effects that killing can have on the human psyche, illustrating how individuals can devolve into compulsive murderers. Initially, Major AWX was a promising student hailing from a prestigious school in Kandy, whose academic prowess led him to the Kothalawala Military Academy, where he graduated as an infantry officer. He subsequently joined the Vijayaba Infantry Regiment (VIR) and was deployed in various operational zones, where he encountered the traumatic realities of combat. Over time, the psychological toll of these experiences manifested in significant alterations to his personality. Following his involvement in lethal military engagements, Major AWX underwent a disturbing transformation, ultimately becoming an individual driven by an insatiable urge to kill. During a therapy session, he chillingly remarked that he "fossilizes enemies," a statement that underscores his desensitization to violence, which soon extended beyond enemy combatants to innocent civilians. Despite his attempts to seek psychological assistance, his treatment was thwarted by bureaucratic obstacles, leaving him without the necessary support or monitoring as he returned to the battlefield. His mental health deteriorated rapidly, marked by debilitating headaches, intense rage, hyperarousal, intrusive combat-related thoughts, and burgeoning homicidal tendencies. This unchecked decline culminated in his emergence as a cold-blooded serial killer, responsible for the brutal murder of several innocent individuals. A particularly heinous act occurred in 2004 while he was stationed with the 215 Brigade in Mannar, where he lured a victim to the Manthottam camp, intoxicated him, and subsequently committed a gruesome murder by stabbing, dismembering, and incinerating the remains. Ultimately, Major AWX was apprehended by the police, but tragically, he took his own life while in custody at Bogambara Prison. This tragic outcome raises critical questions about the systemic failures that prevented him from receiving timely and effective treatment, suggesting that with appropriate intervention, many lives, including his own, could have been spared from the devastating consequences of his actions.

These case studies indicate that "The impact of Killing" can lead to a profound Collision of Conscience, resulting in significant psychological transformations among soldiers. Following their involvement in acts of killing, many combatants experience intense feelings of guilt, which can subsequently lead to depression and a profound sense of isolation from their peers and society. This emotional turmoil often manifests in various detrimental ways, with some individuals becoming addicted to violence, perpetuating a cycle of aggression that further entrenches them in a life marked by brutality and moral conflict. The psychological ramifications of such experiences highlight the complex interplay between combat, mental health, and the potential for ongoing violence, underscoring the need for comprehensive support systems for those affected. 

Psychological interventions are essential for soldiers grappling with guilt, depression, and intense emotions after engaging in combat and taking enemy lives. These interventions can provide the necessary support to help them process their experiences, manage their feelings, and promote mental well-being. By addressing these psychological challenges, we can facilitate their recovery and reintegration into civilian life. According to MacNair (2002), the impact of killing manifests through profound guilt, nightmares, and higher symptom severity than traditional PTSD, often requiring specialized therapeutic approaches to address. Komarovskaya and colleagues (2011) highlight that this trauma is uniquely linked to perpetrating harm, requiring targeted, specialized mental health interventions rather than general protocols.

The Impact of Killing (IOK) treatment protocol, developed by VA clinical psychologists such as Dr. Shira Maguen, aims to address the moral injury experienced after taking a life. This protocol is generally administered over ten sessions as an individual cognitive-behavioral therapy. It integrates components from Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT), Gestalt therapy, and existential or relational psychotherapies to provide a comprehensive therapeutic approach (Maguen et al.,2017).  

Self-Forgiveness Integration also represents a valuable therapeutic approach aimed at alleviating the psychological distress linked to the profound consequences of taking a life. This method facilitates a transformative journey for individuals grappling with guilt and remorse, guiding them away from patterns of self-destructive behaviour that often arise in the aftermath of such traumatic experiences (Purcell et al., 2022).  By fostering a sense of healthy accountability, this approach encourages individuals to confront their actions and the associated emotional turmoil, ultimately promoting a path toward healing and personal growth. Through the process of self-forgiveness, individuals can begin to reconcile their past, allowing them to reclaim their sense of self-worth and move forward with a renewed perspective on life.

Furthermore, the healing process from the psychological trauma associated with violence, such as that depicted in "The Impact of Killing," can be significantly facilitated through the integration of cultural elements (Jayatunge, 2016). In Sri Lanka, a nation with a rich cultural heritage spanning over 2,500 years, traditional practices, beliefs, and communal activities serve as vital mechanisms for emotional recovery. This deep-rooted culture not only provides a sense of identity and belonging but also offers various forms of expression and support that can help individuals cope with their psychological wounds.  

Indigenous Shanthikarma (healing) rituals, which focus on mitigating emotional distress, alongside Thovilaya, a form of psychodrama, play a crucial role in addressing the psychological trauma experienced by combatants affected by the profound consequences of killing. These practices often incorporate rhythmic drumming, which serves to stimulate both hemispheres of the brain, thereby facilitating a healing process akin to Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR). Such traditional rituals are not merely cultural expressions; they are vital therapeutic interventions designed to restore a sense of balance and harmony in individuals who perceive a disruption in their cosmological order due to their experiences in conflict. By engaging in these time-honoured practices, combatants can find pathways to healing that respect their cultural heritage while effectively addressing the psychological scars left by their experiences.

In addition, spiritual therapy plays a crucial role in the healing journey of soldiers who are dealing with the intense psychological repercussions associated with taking a life. This therapeutic approach is deeply rooted in Buddhist philosophies and incorporates various meditation techniques, particularly Vipassana and Metta Meditation (meditation of lovingkindness), which focus on cultivating mindfulness, compassion, and the recognition of the interconnectedness of all living beings (Jayatunge, 2023). By participating in these meditative practices, soldiers are allowed to enhance their awareness of their internal thoughts and emotions, enabling them to navigate their traumatic experiences within a nurturing and understanding framework. The core tenets of Buddhism advocate for a compassionate confrontation with one’s suffering, promoting acceptance and insight that can lead to a profound sense of inner tranquillity and resilience. As soldiers engage with these spiritual practices, they may discover a transformative path toward healing that not only addresses their psychological scars but also fosters a renewed sense of purpose and a deeper connection to the broader arras of life.

References

Jayatunge, R. M. (2016, June 21). The cultural perspectives on psychological trauma in Sri Lanka. LankaWeb. https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2016/06/21/the-cultural-perspectives-on-psychological-trauma-in-sri-lanka-2/

Jayatunge, R. M. (2023). Clinical meditation. M.D. Gunasena Publishers.

Jensen, P. R., & Simpson, D. (2014). A qualitative analysis of the experience and impact of killing in hand‐to‐hand combat. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 27(4), 468–473.

Komarovskaya I, Maguen S, McCaslin SE, Metzler TJ, Madan A, Brown AD, Galatzer-Levy IR, Henn-Haase C, Marmar CR. The impact of killing and injuring others on mental health symptoms among police officers. J Psychiatr Res. 2011 Oct;45(10):1332-6. doi: 10.1016/j.jpsychires.2011.05.004. Epub 2011 Jun 11. PMID: 21658717; PMCID: PMC3974970.

MacNair, R. M. (2002). Perpetration-induced traumatic stress: The psychological consequences of killing. Praeger Publishers. doi.org.

Maguen, S., Metzler, T. J., Litz, B. T., San Diego, B., Knight, S. J., Ostazzewski, L., Davis, L., & Marmar, C. R. (2009). The impact of killing in war on mental health symptoms and related functioning. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 22(5), 435–443. doi.org.

Maguen, S., Vogt, D. S., King, L. A., King, D. W., Litz, B. T., Knight, S. J., & Marmar, C. R. (2011). The impact of killing on mental health symptoms in Gulf War veterans. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 3(1), 21–26. https://doi.org/10.1037/a001989.

Maguen, S., Burkman, K., Madden, E., Dinh, J., Westphal, R. J., & Neylan, T. C. (2017). Impact of Killing in War: A randomized, controlled pilot trial. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 73(9), 1115–1133. doi.org.

Nordstrand, A. E., Noll, L. K., & Wickham, R. E. (2026). Killing in combat as a potentially morally injurious event: The diverging psychological impact of killing on peacekeepers and combat-oriented troops. Armed Forces & Society, 52(3). https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X251321389. 

Purcell, N., Burkman, K., & Maguen, S. (2022). Treatment for moral injury: Impact of Killing in War. Current Psychiatry Reports, 24(6), 335–343.

Purcell N, Usman H, Mehlman H, Gloria R, Burkman K, Lehrner A, Maguen S. The Impact of Killing (IOK) mental health treatment for moral injury: U.S. military veteran perspectives on acceptability, fit, and impact. Psychol Serv. 2026 Mar 9:10.1037/ser0001035. doi: 10.1037/ser0001035. Epub ahead of print. PMID: 41801748; PMCID: PMC12974238.

Van Winkle, E. P., & Safer, M. A. (2011). Killing versus witnessing in combat trauma and reports of PTSD symptoms and domestic violence. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 24(1), 107–110.

The Shattered Sovereign: A Psychological Analysis of King Seethawaka Rajasinha and His PTSD Related Symptoms

  

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge, M.D. PhD 

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, also known as Tikiri Bandara, was a warrior king of Sri Lanka during the 16th century, renowned for his exceptional prowess as a battle-hardened hero. He earned the title "Rajasinha" (meaning Lion King) for his bravery and military tactics. Ascending to the battlefield at the tender age of 16, he demonstrated remarkable courage and resilience in the face of adversity, particularly against the formidable Portuguese invaders who sought to dominate the island. Throughout his reign, which spanned from 1554 to 1593 AD, he witnessed the tormenting consequences of war, including widespread death and destruction, yet he remained undeterred. His fearless nature was complemented by his adeptness at military strategy, enabling him to employ innovative tactics that effectively countered the well-equipped, highly trained Portuguese forces. As a result, King Seethawaka Rajasinghe not only established himself as a military genius but also left an indelible mark on Sri Lanka's history through his unwavering commitment to defending his kingdom.

The Battle of Mulleriyawa (1562)

In the year 1562, the Battle of Mulleriyawa emerged as a significant confrontation between Tikiri Bandara and the formidable Portuguese forces, which were recognized as a dominant military power of the 16th century. The Portuguese contingent was commanded by Captain Major Afonso Pereira de Lacerda and Captain Major Jorge de Meneses Baroche, who led their troops into battle just outside Colombo, strategically positioned on the southern bank of the Kelani River. Tikiri Bandara, displaying remarkable valor and tactical prowess, launched a fierce assault on the Portuguese army, striking with the ferocity of a thunderbolt. This unexpected onslaught placed the once-invincible Portuguese forces on the brink of defeat, as they struggled to withstand the relentless attacks from young Tikiri Bandara and his warriors. Historical accounts, particularly from the Rajavaliya, a 17th-century chronicle documenting Sri Lankan history, reveal that the battle resulted in the loss of over 1,600 Portuguese soldiers and their auxiliary troops, known as Lascarins, underscoring the significant impact of this conflict on the power dynamics of the region.

The Siege of Kotte

The Siege of Kotte, which took place between 1560 and 1565, marked a significant turning point in the power dynamics of the region. During this period, the strategic maneuvering of the besieging forces involved the deliberate diversion of the Diyawanna River, effectively undermining the natural defenses that had previously protected the Kotte Kingdom. This tactical decision compelled King Dharmapala, who was seen as a puppet ruler under the influence of the Portuguese, along with his allies, to relinquish their hold on the capital. As a result, they were forced to retreat to Colombo, thereby signalling a critical shift in control and influence within the area. The implications of this siege were profound, as it not only altered the political landscape but also highlighted the vulnerabilities of alliances formed under colonial pressures.

The Sieges of Colombo

The sieges of Colombo marked a significant chapter in the military history of the region, characterized by the ambitious efforts of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, who mobilized an impressive force exceeding 50,000 troops, complemented by a contingent of war elephants, to besiege the Portuguese stronghold in Colombo. Despite his strategic maneuvers that brought the Portuguese forces to the brink of starvation, the absence of a formidable naval presence ultimately hindered his campaign, allowing Portuguese reinforcements to breach the blockades and resupply their beleaguered garrison. The siege created a sense of desperation among the Portuguese defenders, who were gripped by fear and famine. However, the tide of battle shifted when external naval support from Goa arrived, leading to a disastrous outcome for the king's forces. In the aftermath of this military debacle, King Rajasinghe's frustration escalated into paranoia, prompting him to suspect treachery among his generals. In a series of ruthless purges, he executed several of his trusted commanders, including Wicramasinghe Maha Senevi and Weerasundara Bandara, both of whom had previously played pivotal roles in his military campaigns, thus illustrating the volatile nature of power and loyalty in the tumultuous landscape of warfare.

  

The Combat Fatigue

After enduring numerous years of relentless warfare, Tikiri Bandara, known as King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, found himself in a state of profound exhaustion, both physically and mentally. The toll of continuous combat began to manifest in his deteriorating mental health, leading to a noticeable decline in his overall well-being. As time progressed, the king exhibited increasingly erratic behavior characterized by heightened suspicion, frequent outbursts of anger, and pervasive irritability. His deep-seated mistrust of those around him fostered a sense of alienation, while emotional numbing and a range of symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) became evident. These significant personality shifts not only transformed the once-great warrior into a figure of fear but also instigated a reign of terror against his own subjects, leaving a profound and lasting void in the hearts and minds of the people he once valiantly defended.

  

Drastic Personality Changes

The King became increasingly engulfed by an overwhelming sense of suspicion, interpreting even the most trivial disagreements as acts of betrayal. This pervasive mistrust extended to his closest allies, prompting him to take drastic measures against anyone he deemed a potential threat to his reign. Years of witnessing relentless bloodshed on the battlefield left him emotionally numb, resulting in unpredictable and violent outbursts of anger. King Rajasinha's detachment from the suffering of his subjects grew more pronounced, as he morphed from a once-protective ruler into a merciless tyrant who employed horrifying and unprecedented methods of punishment, devoid of any semblance of remorse or compassion. His paranoia particularly targeted the Buddhist clergy whom he irrationally suspected of colluding with his political adversaries. Ultimately, by the end of his life, King Rajasinha's erratic behavior and baseless accusations alienated his last remaining allies, including aristocrats and military leaders. The once-revered "Lion of Seethawaka" was reduced to a shattered, isolated, and profoundly lonely figure, stripped of the respect and companionship he once commanded.

 

Patricide

The historical narrative surrounding King Seethawaka Rajasinghe and the alleged patricide of his father, King Mayadunne, remains a contentious topic among scholars. Some historians assert that King Seethawaka Rajasinghe was responsible for his father's death, while others argue that this claim may have been a fabrication propagated by the Portuguese, aimed at undermining the king's legitimacy and authority. This divergence in perspectives highlights the complexities of historical interpretation, particularly in the context of colonial influences.

In the aftermath of these events, it is noted that King Seethawaka Rajasinghe experienced profound guilt, prompting him to seek redemption through the teachings of Buddhism. However, the Buddhist doctrine offered him no solace regarding the weight of his actions, leading to a pivotal moment when a Hindu priest named Aritta Kivendu Perumal seized the opportunity to convert the king to Hinduism. This conversion raises intriguing questions about King Rajasinghe's motivations: was he genuinely seeking atonement for his alleged crime, or was he drawn to a faith that, paradoxically, glorifies warfare and valour?  

 

Turning Against Religion

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe renounced his original faith, opting instead to adopt Hinduism, and in a brutal campaign, he executed thousands of his subjects who resisted this forced conversion.  He took drastic measures against Buddhism, systematically demolishing temples and perpetrating heinous acts against Buddhist monks, including drowning them as a means of instilling fear and consolidating his power. This reign of terror not only decimated the religious fabric of the society but also left a lasting scar on the cultural heritage of the region.

  

King Seethawaka Rajasinha through Portuguese Eyes

In his significant 17th-century work, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, Jesuit Father Fernão de Queyroz offers a multifaceted and nuanced portrayal of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe I, blending admiration with sharp criticism. Queyroz expresses profound respect for Rajasinghe's military acumen, drawing a parallel between the king and the renowned Carthaginian general Hannibal Barca, highlighting his exceptional strategic capabilities on the battlefield. However, this admiration is tempered by Queyroz's condemnation of the king's extreme brutality and erratic temperament. He characterizes Rajasinghe as a tyrant whose insatiable thirst for blood instilled fear not only in his adversaries but also among his own people. The chronicler meticulously documents the king's descent into paranoia, illustrating how he resorted to the ruthless execution of anyone he suspected of disloyalty, which ultimately led to his isolation from his inner circle. As Rajasinghe's mistrust deepened, he became increasingly suspicious of his closest allies, generals, and aristocrats, leading him to eliminate even his most trusted advisors and military leaders one by one. Queyroz interprets the king's eventual military defeats and demise not merely as a triumph for Portugal but as a form of divine retribution for his unyielding cruelty and antagonism towards the Catholic faith.

 

 PTSD Symptoms

The historical narratives of the 16th century, such as the Mahavamsa and various Portuguese accounts, often interpret the later cruelty exhibited by King Seethawaka Rajasinghe as either a manifestation of spiritual malediction or a straightforward expression of tyranny. However, contemporary historical psychology offers a more nuanced understanding, suggesting that the King's behaviour may be attributed to severe, untreated Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) compounded by paranoia stemming from his experiences in combat. When analyzed through the lens of psychological trauma, his transformation from a celebrated liberator to a despotic ruler can be seen as a classic example of a psyche fractured by prolonged exposure to extreme violence.

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, who began his military career as a young teenager known as Prince Tikiri, was immersed in brutal warfare during his formative years, where he not only engaged in combat against heavily armored Portuguese soldiers but also witnessed the gruesome mutilation of his own troops. The psychological burden of being accused—whether justly or unjustly—of orchestrating the assassination of his father, King Mayadunne, added an unbearable layer of emotional turmoil and guilt, creating a persistent state of distress.

A hallmark of PTSD is hypervigilance, a condition characterized by an incessant "fight or flight" response that leads individuals to perceive threats in every environment, even among those they consider allies. In King Rajasinha's case, this hypervigilance manifested in a drastic and tragic decision to eliminate perceived threats, including the execution of his most trusted general, Weerasundara Bandara.  

The individuals suffering from severe PTSD often find themselves alienating long-term friends while becoming overly reliant on manipulative outsiders who exploit their vulnerabilities, as seen in King Rajasinha's relationship with Aritta Ki Vendu, who exacerbated his anxieties while providing a deceptive sense of security. The emotional landscape of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe 's reign was marked by profound alienation, as noted by Queyroz, who observed that he became increasingly estranged from his inner circle. His growing mistrust led him to suspect conspiracies against his rule, prompting him to execute many of his closest advisors and military leaders, including the poisoning of his right-hand man, Wicramasinghe Maha Senevi. This pattern of behavior illustrates not only the intense paranoia that gripped Rajasinha but also the sudden outbursts of rage and emotional instability that characterized his later years, painting a complex portrait of a ruler whose mind was deeply affected by the traumas of his past.

The narrative illustrates the king's descent into a state of emotional turmoil characterized by sudden and violent outbursts of rage, which became increasingly unpredictable over time. His responses to relatively minor political challenges or military stalemates were often disproportionate, leading to immediate and harsh repercussions for those in his vicinity. This pattern of behavior not only instilled fear among his subjects but also created an atmosphere of tension and anxiety within his court. Furthermore, Queyroz emphasized a disturbing trend of emotional numbing and a complete absence of remorse in the king's actions, which manifested in a reign of terror against his own people. This chilling lack of empathy, coupled with a willingness to execute thousands, has been interpreted by contemporary psychologists as a form of "emotional anesthesia," a psychological defense mechanism developed after enduring years of gruesome warfare. As the king's mental health deteriorated, he became increasingly isolated, effectively exiling himself from the very society he ruled. Queyroz portrayed him as a profoundly lonely figure, abandoned by loyal friends and court nobles due to his erratic behavior and unfounded accusations. Ultimately, the relentless demands of warfare took a significant toll on his physical and mental well-being, leading to what can be described as "battle fatigue." Having been engaged in continuous, brutal combat since the tender age of sixteen, the cumulative effects of this relentless violence contributed to his later erratic conduct, underscoring the profound impact of prolonged exposure to the horrors of war on his psyche.

The Final Battle and Death

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe’s final battle took place in Kandy, where he faced off against Konappu Bandara, also known as King Wimaladharmasurya, the son of the once-loyal Weerasundara Bandara. Weerasundara Bandara had previously been a staunch ally of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, assisting him in the struggle against the Portuguese invaders. However, a tragic turn of events led to King Seethawaka Rajasinghe harboring unfounded suspicions about Weerasundara Bandara, culminating in the latter's untimely death at the hands of the king he had once served faithfully. This betrayal ignited a fierce desire for vengeance in King Wimaladharmasurya, who vowed to avenge his father's death.

The ensuing battle was marked by brutality and chaos, ultimately resulting in King Seethawaka Rajasinghe's defeat. In the midst of his retreat, he suffered a grave injury after falling from his horse, with a bamboo splinter piercing his leg. This injury would prove fatal, as he succumbed to complications, possibly due to tetanus or septicemia, just days later. (Some historians suggest that after King Seethawaka Rajasinghe suffered a severe injury, the royal physician, harbouring a profound animosity towards the king, exacerbated the situation by introducing poison into the wound, thereby worsening the infection). Thus, the saga of a formidable warrior came to a close.

Revered as the Lion of Seethawaka, he instilled fear in the hearts of Portuguese colonizers, earning a reputation as a liberator. Yet, as time passed, he became an enigmatic figure, with the psychological scars of war potentially altering his aspirations and character. Had he not experienced such profound changes, he might have been celebrated as one of the great heroes in the annals of Sri Lankan history.

  

The Historical Significance of the Diagnosis

The historical analysis of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe through the lens of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) significantly reshapes the traditional view of his rule. Instead of being seen solely as a tyrant or a straightforward villain, he is revealed as a multifaceted leader and skilled military strategist whose mental state was severely affected by the continuous violence he enacted to protect his kingdom. This interpretation fosters a more nuanced understanding of his tragic psychological decline, demonstrating that the very warfare meant to defend his territory also led to his mental disintegration. His narrative serves as a powerful reminder of the often-ignored psychological consequences of conflict, emphasizing the profound and invisible wounds that war inflicts on those who participate in it. Additionally, the writings of Jesuit Father Fernão de Queyroz from the 17th century are significant in this context, as they document a prominent figure who lived from 1532 to 1593 and displayed symptoms of PTSD. Notably, while Western literature attributes the first comprehensive accounts of PTSD to Samuel Pepys' diaries in 1666, following the Great Fire of London, Queyroz's observations predate these records, highlighting the historical depth of this psychological condition.

ගෝමික - ගෝටා සහ ලංකාව හදපු පරමාණු බෝම්බය

ගෝමිකයගේ  ඇන්දිලි දැකලා මම කෙටි කතාවක් ලිව්වා. නමුත් ඒක සම්පූර්ණ කර ගන්න බැරි උනා. ඒකේ ප්ලොට් එක මෙහෙමයි. රතන හා පාදෙනියලා ගෝටව අන්දගෙන ඉන්න කාලේ වියනා වල ඉන්න ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයෙක් නිවුක්ලියර් සයන්ටීස්ට් කෙනෙක් වගේ වෙස් වෙලාගෙන අණතුරු දායක නැති රේඩියේෂන් නිකුත් කරන Potassium-40 (\(^{40}K\))). මූලද්‍රව්‍ය අඩංගු ඊයම් ටින් එකක් සහ ගයිගර් කවුන්ටරයක් අර ගෙන ලංකාවට එනවා. ඇවිත් ප්‍රකට ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙක් හරහා ගෝටව කන්ටැක් කර ගන්නවා. 

මෑන් ගෝටට කියනවා සර් මට නිවුක්ලියර් බොම්බ් එකක් හදන්න පුලුවන් හදන්න පුලුවන්. මම ආවේ වියනා වලින් අවශ්‍ය යුරේනියම් මා ලඟ තියනවා කියලා අර Potassium-40 (\(^{40}K\))).ටින් එක ලඟට ගයිගර් කවුන්ටරය දාලා ගෝටව අන්දනවා. ඒ එක්කම කියනවා සර් මේක අභි රහසක් කාටවත් කියන්න එපා අපි න්‍යෂ්ටික බෝම්බයක් හදනවා කියලා දැන ගත්තොත් ඉන්දියාව - ඊශ්‍රායලය - ඇමරිකාව වහාම අපිට එදිරිව එන්න පුලුවන්. ඒ නිසා අපි මේ බොම්බ් එක හොරෙන් හදන්න ඕනේ මෑන් හැට්න් ප්‍රොජෙක්ට් එක වගේ. මේ පිලිබඳව කැබිනට් එකට වත් කියන්න එපා. මේක  දැන ගත යුත්තේ සර් සහ මා පමණයි කියලා. මට පුලුවන් මාස 12 ඇතුලත  නිවුක්ලියර් බොම්බ් එක  හදන්න​. ඒකට ඇමරිකන් $ මිලියනයක් ඕනේ කියලා. 

මෙහෙම කොන්- මෑන් නෑබොඩ ප්‍රදේශයෙන් ඉඩමක් අරගෙන ගෝටගේ පීඑස්ඩී එවුන්ව ගාඩ් එකට තියලා කොන්ක්‍රීට් වලින් ස්ට්ක්චර් එකක් හදලා ඒක ඇතුලේ යකඩ ගෝලයක් ( ෆුට් බෝල් 3 විතර ලොකු ප්‍රමාණයක​) හදලා ඒකේ එලියෙන් වයර් ගහලා කියනවා මේක තමයි බෝම්බය කියලා. ඒ අතරවාගේ අර USD  මිලියනය අරගෙන මෑන් ලංකාවෙන් පිට වෙනවා. ගෝටා හිතනවා තමන් ලඟ පරමානු බෝම්බයක් තියනවා කියලා අර Potassium-40 ඇතුලේ තියන යකඩ බෝලයට ෆුල් ගාඩ් එක දෙනවා. 

මේ කතාව මම ලිව්වේ බාගෙට. මේ ප්ලොට් එක අරගෙන මගේ කතාව පැහැර ගන්න එපා. ඒක බුද්ධිමය දේපල මංකොල්ලකෑමක් වෙනවා. 

ආයෝජකයෝ බිල්ලෝ කිරීම

 

1980 ගනන් වල ඉරිදා දිවයින පත්තරේ  විදෙස් ආයෝජකයන්ට එරෙහි බිල්ලෝ මව මව ලිපි පල වුනා.  ආයෝජකයෝ යනු රාක්‍ෂයන් කියලයි ගැමි මනස හැදුවා. එක දේශපාලකයෙක් ආයෝජකයෝ ඉඹලා  පිලිගන්න ඕන කියලා කියපු එකට ලොකු විවේචන ආවා (අද ආයෝජකයෝ වැඳලා පිලිගන්නේ). වෝල්ස් අයිස්ක්‍රීම් වගේ ආයෝජකයෝ එලෙව්වා. වෙලඳ කලාපෙට ආපු ආයෝජකයන්ව බය කලා. ඔවුන්ව පලවා හරින්න නිතර උත්සහ කලා. ආයෝජකයෝ වියට්නාමයට ගියා. වියට්නාමයේ ආර්ථිකය නැගිට්ටා. 2025 වියට්නාමය  ඇමරිකන් $ බිලියන 30.24 ආයෝජන ලබා ගත්තා. මේ ඇමරිකාව සමග ෆේස් ටු ෆේස් යුද්ද කරපු රටක්.  ආයෝජකයෝ නැතුව ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික හොම්බෙන් ගියා. ලංකාවට ආපු ආයෝජකයන් ස්වල්ප දෙනාගෙනුත් දේශපාලකයෝ කොමිස් අල්ලස් ඉල්ලන්න ගියා. වරක් අතාවුද සෙනෙවිරත්න තමන්ට කොමිස් නොදුන්න නිසා ඔහුගේ ප්‍රදේශයේ එක් ආයෝජකයෙක් ගේ පානීය ජල ව්‍යාපෘතියක් කඩලා දැම්මා. ඒ ආයෝජකයා සල්ලි අරගෙන මාලදිවයිනට ගියා. ලංකාව ආයෝජකයන්ට නුසුදුසු රටක් කියලා ආයෝජකයන් අතර මතයක් ගියා. කෙසේ නමුත් ලංකාව බංකොලොත් වූ පසු ජනතාවට / වාමාංශිකයන්ට සහ ආණ්ඩුවට ආයෝජකයන් ගේ වටිනාකම තේරුම් ගියා.  

My Visit to Hitler’s Wehrwolf Bunker in Vinnytsia

 

 

 Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge

Vinnytsia is a vibrant city in west-central Ukraine, along the Southern Bug River, with a rich history spanning over 650 years.  Living in Vinnytsia for several years provided me with the opportunity to discover its many historic landmarks. But the city's past is marked by a particularly dark period during World War II. From July 19, 1941, to March 20, 1944, Vinnytsia was under German occupation.

During the German occupation, Vinnytsia underwent a significant transformation into a heavily militarized and profoundly traumatized administrative hub. The Holocaust in Vinnytsia stands as one of the most tragic events in history. This organized campaign resulted in the murder of approximately 28,000 Jews, eradicating a community that had thrived for centuries. The haunting photograph known as "The Last Jew in Vinnitsa" serves as a stark reminder of the atrocities committed during this time, illustrating the brutal reality of the "Holocaust by Bullets" in Eastern Europe.

"The Last Jew in Vinnitsa

I had the profound experience of meeting Jewish individuals who lost family members during this tragic period, as well as conversing with partisans who operated in the Vinnytsia region in 1988, highlighting the resilience and resistance that persisted amidst the horrors of occupation.

Once, I had the chance to explore Adolf Hitler's Eastern Front military headquarters, known as the Wehrwolf, located near Vinnytsia, Ukraine. I visited this place in 1986. This bunker complex was constructed primarily to function as a forward military command center close to the Eastern Front, nestled in a pine forest approximately 8 kilometers north of Vinnytsia, near the village of Stryzhavka.

Built between 1941 and 1942 with the labor of Soviet prisoners of war and local forced laborers, the Wehrwolf was designed as a highly secure, self-sufficient military installation, camouflaged within the dense forest. The complex originally featured around 81 wooden structures above ground and three underground reinforced concrete bunkers.

Hitler visited the Wehrwolf three times between 1942 and 1943, accompanied by key figures such as Martin Bormann, his private secretary, and Generals Wilhelm Keitel and Alfred Jodl. During these visits, approximately 150 to 200 German officers were stationed within the compound. A former partisan recounted that Hitler preferred not to stay in the Wehrwolf bunker due to partisan activity in the area, as well as the summer mosquito infestation and the unfavourable climate.

One Ukrainian partisan told me about an incident in which they inadvertently discovered a substantial building complex hidden within a dense forest, accompanied by unverified intelligence suggesting a visit from Hitler. The partisans promptly communicated this information to their leaders, expressing a desire to launch a surprise attack. However, they were instructed to refrain from any immediate action and to monitor the site for potential visits by high-profile individuals.

An estimated 14,000 individuals were compelled to construct the Wehrwolf complex from December 1941 to July 1942, comprising Soviet prisoners of war, Polish and Czech specialists, as well as Norwegian and Swedish laborers. Following the completion of the project, the majority of these workers were systematically executed by the Nazi SS, who transported them to remote forested areas for mass executions by firing squads. The victims were interred in large communal graves, which now correspond to the site of the modern Stryzhavka Memorial. This memorial features a poignant depiction of three men in distress, often interpreted as "crying" or "weeping prisoners."

In March 1944, as the Nazi forces withdrew from the advancing Red Army, they executed a scorched-earth tactic by demolishing the entire Wehrwolf bunker complex to ensure that the strategic facility would not be captured. This destruction occurred just before the Soviet Red Army officially liberated Vinnytsia on March 20, 1944.

During the Nazi occupation of Vinnytsia, Aleksandr Sevastianov emerged as a significant civilian collaborator, having been appointed by the Germans as the Mayor of the city. Sevastianov, a distinguished local academic and respected biology professor, served as the head of the biology department at the Vinnytsia National Medical University. As the German forces retreated in early 1944, he managed to escape Vinnytsia alongside them, ultimately finding refuge in Western Europe. He later settled in the Paris area of France, where he spent his remaining years in exile until his death in 1947.

Visitors today can witness a significant number of concrete remnants scattered across the area, alongside the remains of three reinforced concrete bunkers and a well-preserved swimming pool. A guide informed me that active bombs remain within these ruins, which has deterred Soviet officials from attempting any excavation. He also mentioned that powerful magnets are required for safe excavation of such sites. However, I am uncertain about the accuracy of these technical details and whether they stem from factual information or are merely an urban legend.

The significance of the Wehrwolf bunker in Vinnytsia today lies in its transformation from a top-secret Nazi fortress into an educational landscape. It serves as a physical warning about the nature of totalitarian power, the human cost of war, and the complexities of historical memory. The jagged, ruined blocks scattered in the forest are a physical metaphor for the ultimate collapse of Nazi Germany.

Moral Injury in Sri Lankan Combatants Who Participated in the Eelam War

 

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge, M.D. PhD

Moral injury refers to the deep psychological, behavioral, and spiritual turmoil that arises when an individual either engages in, witnesses, or fails to avert actions that contradict their core moral convictions (Litz, Brett et al., 2009). The term moral injury was coined by Dr. Jonathan Shay, a clinical psychiatrist, in the 1990s, while working with Vietnam War veterans, and he connected their deep psychological trauma not to fear, but to a profound sense of institutional betrayal. However, moral injury is fundamentally an age-old phenomenon that has persisted throughout human history, rooted in the existence of moral and ethical beliefs that can be violated (Koenig et al., 2021). Čartolovni and team (2021) argue that, in some cases, moral distress may become moral residue and, over time, culminate in moral injury. According to Griffin and associates (2019), such traumatic experiences can create a clash with one's ethical beliefs, resulting in considerable distress and impairments in functioning.

Moral injury is an increasingly recognized phenomenon in mental health research, particularly relevant to current and former military personnel (Phelps et al., 2024). The trauma associated with warfare can inflict damage on various aspects of health, including physical, psychological, social, and spiritual well-being, thereby contributing to moral injury (Richardson et al., 2020). Moral injury arises when individuals in the military breach their fundamental moral convictions and values during combat situations (Koenig et al., 2021). This violation can lead to profound emotional distress, manifesting as shame, grief, a sense of meaninglessness, and remorse for transgressing core ethical beliefs (Brock & Lettini, 2012).

Moral injury, as outlined by Jones (2020), is defined by feelings of guilt, shame, and self-condemnation, which are often evident in combatants who have undergone traumatic experiences in battle. Williamson et al. (2025) characterize moral injury as a significant occupational risk, particularly prevalent among combatants, stemming from guilt and shame. In a soldier, moral injury develops through a specific cognitive transition in which the raw survival behaviours of combat collide with their peacetime moral upbringing. (Farnsworth ,2022).

Mental health professionals have recognized the phenomenon of moral injury in Sri Lankan soldiers who were involved in the protracted 30-year armed conflict against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This separatist militant organization, which sought an independent Tamil state in northeastern Sri Lanka from 1976 until its defeat in 2009, is often regarded as one of the most advanced insurgent groups globally.

The prolonged armed conflict in Sri Lanka, has significantly contributed to the prevalence of moral injury among combatants (Jayatunge, 2013). Sri Lankan combatants often faced extended deployment periods, frequently spending up to a decade in active combat zones, which intensified the cognitive dissonance between their military actions and their cultural or religious values. Many soldiers grappled with deep psychological and ethical dilemmas during and after their service, sometimes being forced to undertake actions that conflicted with their personal moral convictions. Such experiences can evoke feelings of guilt, shame, and betrayal, especially as they reflect on their involvement in the conflict and the consequences of their actions.  

The majority of combatants from Sri Lanka identify as Buddhists, a faith that emphasizes the principles of karma and the cycle of rebirth. This belief system inherently instills a profound sense of moral responsibility and ethical conduct, which can lead to significant psychological distress when individuals engage in acts of violence or warfare that contradict their spiritual values. As a result, these combatants often experience moral injury, a condition characterized by the internal conflict arising from actions that violate their deeply held beliefs.

During the Eelam war in Sri Lanka, psychological support services were severely lacking and not prioritized, resulting in inadequate treatment for the psychological scars left by the conflict. The insufficient availability of mental health resources, combined with the societal stigma associated with mental health issues, exacerbated the moral injuries experienced by individuals affected by the war.  Many former combatants continue to experience PTSD, depression, adjustment disorders, and moral injuries. These conditions manifest not only as psychological issues but also pose substantial barriers to their reintegration into civilian life, resulting in numerous soldiers facing difficulties in adapting after their service.

Numerous case studies highlight the moral injuries experienced by Sri Lankan combatants. One notable incident involves Major SE, who was ambushed by LTTE militants in a northern village, leading to a fierce firefight. Surrounded by the enemy, Major SE desperately returned fire when an elderly civilian woman inadvertently opened a window to observe the chaos. Mistaking her for an adversary, he shot at the window, tragically wounding the old woman fatally. Despite successfully repelling the enemy and returning to camp, the psychological toll of this traumatic event lingered with Major SE for an extended period. Major SE later recounted that his bullet shattered the old woman's jaw, resulting in significant blood loss. Tragically, she succumbed to her injuries within hours due to the severe bleeding. Major SE endured the profound effects of moral injury, grappling with a range of distressing symptoms that persisted for many years following his wartime experiences.

Another soldier reported experiencing moral injury as a result of exposure to traumatic combat situations. In April 2000, during the Elephant Pass debacle, troops were compelled to retreat to the Soranpattu-Palai defense line, enduring a gruelling 16-kilometre march under the scorching sun, without water, and while facing enemy mortar and sniper fire. Among the retreating soldiers was Corporal K, who witnessed many of his comrades fall victim to enemy attacks and heat strokes. In the midst of this chaos, a wounded soldier implored Corporal K for assistance, but the dire circumstances left little room for altruism, forcing him to decline. The wounded soldier, however, shared his name and address, requesting that Corporal K convey his final words to his family. Although Corporal K promised to honour this request, a few kilometres near the Sorampattu- Palali defense line, Corporal K succumbed to heat stroke and lost consciousness. Fortunately, he was rescued by fellow soldiers and transported to a hospital. Upon regaining consciousness days later, Corporal K had forgotten the dying soldier's name and address. This incident ignited deep shame and guilt in him, which she suffered for many years.

Soldiers can experience moral injury from killing enemy combatants, even when the killing is entirely legal, justified, and necessary for survival (Maguen et al., 2010). The subsequent case study illustrates such an incident.

Sergeant Sx78 dedicated nearly a decade to service in combat zones, notably enduring intense battles while defending the Jaffna Fort, which was besieged and subjected to heavy enemy fire. During the critical operation known as "Midnight Express," he played a pivotal role in rescuing trapped troops, resulting in the death of five enemy combatants. However, in the years that followed, he became increasingly troubled by the moral implications of these actions, reflecting on the humanity of those he had killed. He expressed a deep understanding of their backgrounds, recognizing that they were often impoverished youths, manipulated by hatred and left with few choices. This realization weighed heavily on him, as he grappled with the harsh realities of war, where survival often necessitated lethal force. Acknowledging the conflict between his actions and his Buddhist beliefs, he felt a profound sense of guilt, believing that he would ultimately face karmic consequences for his deeds. This inner turmoil has led him to seek solace in spirituality, aspiring to become a monk upon his retirement from military service.

The prolonged exposure to the tumultuous realities of war and chaos can significantly alter an individual's psychological framework, leading to profound changes in their mental and emotional state. In the aftermath of such distressing experiences, many individuals may encounter moral injury. Research indicates that cumulative war trauma can lead to moral injury among soldiers (Wisco et al.,2017). 

Lt. Colonel LX is a seasoned field officer whose extensive involvement in numerous military operations spanned the entirety of the war, concluding in 2009. Throughout this tumultuous period, he was frequently confronted with the harrowing realities of combat, witnessing the tragic deaths and injuries of fellow soldiers, often in scenarios that left them vulnerable and defenseless. Moreover, his experiences extended beyond the battlefield, as he observed the profound effects of warfare on civilians in the northern regions, who bore the brunt of collateral damage and suffered immensely due to the conflict. The psychological toll of these experiences was significant, as he encountered the deep-seated human suffering that often accompanies war trauma. In the aftermath of the conflict, Lt. Colonel LX retreated into seclusion, grappling with the weight of his memories and developing a more cynical perspective on life, shaped by the stark realities he had witnessed. He is experiencing a range of psychological and emotional symptoms that are significantly impacting his overall well-being, characterized by a profound sense of loss of meaning in his life.

Following the Eelam war in Sri Lanka, numerous combatants were found to be suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (Jayatunge, 2004).  It is essential to distinguish between combat-related PTSD and moral injury, as they stem from different sources. There are many differences between combat-related PTSD and moral injury. While PTSD is driven by fear and threat, moral injury is driven by a collapse of a person's ethical framework (Farnsworth et al.,2017). When a soldier experiences moral injury, it profoundly impacts their personality, identity, and behaviour (Litz et al., 2009). Unlike PTSD, which is primarily a fear-based response, moral injury represents a wound to the conscience, leading to significant psychological, relational, and behavioural challenges (Barnes et al.,2019). 

Moral injury often results in a collapse of identity and self-worth, characterized by aggressive self-loathing and an overwhelming sense of chronic shame and guilt (Farnsworth et al., 2014).  Furthermore, deep cynicism and a loss of trust emerge, eroding the soldier's faith in the military hierarchy, political leaders, and the institution as a whole, which can extend into their civilian life (Shay, 2014). The consequences may include a loss of faith and a descent into existential nihilism, relational destructiveness, and isolation. Additionally, self-sabotage and self-punishment frequently occur, often accompanied by engagement in high-risk behaviors (Griffin et al., 2019).

Specialized treatment for moral injury in soldiers is essential, as neglecting this issue can result in severe consequences, including a total collapse of identity, increased social isolation, and a heightened risk of suicide (Bryan et al.,2014).  Once moral injury occurs, evidence-based clinical therapies become essential to address the profound shame and guilt experienced by these individuals.

Adaptive Disclosure (AD) is one of the premier, evidence-based treatments developed specifically for moral injury in military personnel (Litz et al., 2016).  Adaptive Disclosure (AD) integrates focused imaginal exposure with organized, real-time dialogues to assist military personnel in addressing and processing the unique emotional traumas associated with combat experiences.

Another effective intervention is Trauma-Informed Guilt Reduction (TiGR) Therapy, which evaluates the realities of a crisis, enabling soldiers to discern what they could control versus what was beyond their influence during chaotic situations (Norman et al.,2019).  Additionally, spiritual therapy plays a crucial role in addressing moral injury. Spiritual therapy heals moral injury by directly addressing the existential and metaphysical wounds (Carey et al.,2026). 

Group therapy sessions and Peer support groups enable veterans to share their experiences with others who have faced similar combat situations, fostering a sense of normalcy in their reactions to trauma. Creating safe spaces for open discussions about deeply held shame is vital for bringing these hidden memories to light (Allbaugh, Placeres & Toor, 2023).   Furthermore, mindfulness breath meditation and loving-kindness meditation (LKM) are highly effective tools for healing moral injury (Kelley et al., 2025).  

Moral injury among Sri Lankan combatants who took part in the Eelam War represents a significant yet under-explored area of research that warrants immediate attention.  It is crucial to accurately diagnose the presence of moral injury in these veterans, as it can manifest in various ways, including feelings of guilt, shame, and a diminished sense of self-worth. Furthermore, providing appropriate psychological support tailored to the unique experiences of these combatants is essential for their recovery and reintegration into society. By addressing this critical issue, we can not only aid those who have suffered in silence but also contribute to a broader understanding of the psychological ramifications of war, ultimately fostering a more compassionate approach to veteran care in Sri Lanka.

 

References

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ඉස්කෝලේ යන කාලේ ෆිල්ම් බලපු හැටි

1979 දී කොලඹ මැජෙස්ටික් තියටර් එකට ලිව් ඇන්ඬ් ලෙට් ඩයි ජේම්ස් බෝන්ඬ් ෆිල්ම් එක ආවා. එතකොට මම 7 පන්තියේ. ඒක බලන්න යන්න ගෙදරින් ඇහුවම කිව්වේ ඒක ලමයින්ට සුදුසු නෑ, කියලා. සල්ලිත් අතේ නෑ. කොහොම හරි ෆිල්ම් එක බලන්නත් ඕනේ. හතර අතේ කල්පනා කලාම දැක්කා තාත්තාගේ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් සෙට් එක මේ පොත් තාත්තා 1960 ගනන් කාලේ ඉඳන් කලෙක්ට් කරන පොත්. ඒකාලේ පොතක් රුපියල් දෙකක් විතර වෙනවා වැල්ලවත්තේ කේවීජී සිල්වා පොත් කඩයේ . මේ පොත් කඩය තිබ්බේ සෙන්ට් පීටර්ස් එක ලඟ. මම තාත්තාගේ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් සෙට් එකක් අරගෙන පොත් කඩ කීපයකට ගියා. කවුරුවත් පොත් ගන්නේ නෑ. බම්බලපිටිය හෝලි ෆැමලි එක ඉදිරිපිට තිබ්බා ධර්මදාස පොත් හල. ඒකේ හිටියා මැදි වියේ ඩයල් එකක්. මෑන් රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොතකට සත 50 ගානේ දුන්නා. ඒ කාලේ ගැලරිය සත 75 , සෙකන්ඬ් ක්ලාස් 2.75. පොත් 10 -12 දුන්නොත් ෆිල්ම් එකත් බලලා ඉන්ටවල් එකට කඩල පැකට් එකකටත් සල්ලි. කොහොම හරි එදා තාත්තාගේ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් විකුනලා ලිව් ඇන්ඬ් ලෙට් ඩයි ජේම්ස් බෝන්ඬ් ෆිල්ම් එක බැලුවා. මේ අලුත් සොයා ගැනීමෙන් පස්සේ මම කලේ සුමාන 2 සැරයක් තාත්තාගේ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් සෙට් එකක් ධර්මදාස පොත් හලට ගිහින් දෙනවා එම්පයර් , සැවෝයි , ලිබර්ටි , මැජෙස්ටික් එකේ ෆිල්ම් බලනවා. මේ විදියට බෙන්හර් , ඩර්ටි ඩසන් , බ්ලැක් සන්ඩේ, ඩීප්, බ්‍රිජ් ටූ ෆා, චෑම්ප්, ජෝස්, වයිඩ්ල් ගීස් , ගුඩ්බයි ගර්ල් , පොසිඩන් ඇඩ්වෙන්චර් වගේ ෆිල්ම් බැලුවා.ස්ටාර් වෝස් , සැටඩේ නයිට් ෆීවර්, එන්ටර් ද ඩ්‍රැගන් , පිරානා , (ගෙයිටි එකේ බැලුවා ජිම් බ්‍රවුන් ගේ එස්කේප් ෆ්‍රොම් ඩෙවල්ස් අයිලන්ඬ්) වැල්ලවත්ත කොන්කෝඩ් එකේ බෘස්ලී ගේ බිග් බොස් , ශෝන් කොන්රිගේ තන්ඩබෝල්ට්, එයාර්පෝට් 80, අර්බන් කව් බෝයි, වරක් බෝ ඩෙරික් හිටපු 10 ෆිල්ම් එක බලන්න ගිහින් මැනේජර් මාව එලව ගත්තා ඒක ඇඩලස් ඔන්ලි නිසා. ගෙදර අයියලා මේ ෆිල්ම් ගැන කතා කරන කොට කට පොපියනවා ෆිල්ම් එකේ කෑලි කියන්න. ඒත් කියන්න ගිහින් කේස් එක අසු වෙයි කියලා කට වහගෙන ඉන්නවා.තාත්තා නිතරම පොත් කඩ වලින් රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් ගන්න නිසා මම පොත් උස්සන එක එක පාරටම මාට්ටු උනේ නෑ. තාත්තා තමන් ගන්න පොත් වල පිට කවරේ අත්සනක් දානවා. දවසක් ධර්මදාස පොත් හලෙන් පරණ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් සෙට් එකක් ගන්න කොට තාත්තගේ අත්සන් තියන පොත් කීපයකුත් තිබිලා. ඒ ගැන පොත් කඩකාරයාගෙන් අහන කොට මෑන් කියලා බේබි නම් ඉඳලා හිටලා පොත් ගේනවා ඒවා කීපයක් නම් සල්ලි දීලා ගත්තා කියලා. වැඩය නෝන්ඩි. මම වරද පාපොච්චාරණය කරලා බලපු ෆිල්ම් ලිස්ට් එක කිව්වා. ඒත් මට පෝරියල් එකක් ලැබුනේ නෑ.

ඔන්න ඔහොමයි අපි ඉස්කෝලේ යන කාලේ ෆිල්ම් බැලුවේ.

My Travelogue of Dracula's Homeland – Romania

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

When I think about Dracula movies, my thoughts inevitably turn to Romania and Transylvania. I have seen several adaptations, with memorable performances including Bela Lugosi's iconic 1931 portrayal, Christopher Lee's various interpretations, Frank Langella's seductive 1979 version, and Francis Ford Coppola's 1992 film. Each of these movies evokes a sense of fear. I vividly recall watching Christopher Lee's “Dracula Has Risen from the Grave” on a solitary night in London. I was in my twenties and still captivated by the allure of horror. The film began at 10:30 p.m., and as I sat alone, I felt chills run down my spine. By the time the credits rolled at midnight, my heart raced, and I found solace in keeping a copy of the Buddhist Dhammapada under my pillow as I went to bed. 

In my opinion, Christopher Lee stands out as the classic portrayal of Dracula, with a tall physique and a sinister outlook. I'm most certain that I have seen all of Christopher Lee's Dracula movies. When I compare Christopher Lee with Claes Bang, the Danish actor from the 2020 Netflix series "Dracula," my initial impression is that Bang embodies a character reminiscent of James Bond, particularly akin to Pierce Brosnan. I perceive him as Bond embodying the essence of Dracula. However, the 2020 Netflix adaptation presents Dracula's castle as a far more menacing and foreboding setting, enhancing the overall atmosphere of dread in the series.

In 1990, shortly after the assassination of Nicolae Ceaușescu, Romanian communist politician and dictator, I had the opportunity to visit Romania, the land of Dracula. Upon arriving in Bucharest, the atmosphere was filled with chaos, visible poverty, and social disorder. A militia member warned us that people were so desperate they would loot bread, indicating it was unsafe to walk the streets with even a loaf. I initially believed it was an overstatement to keep us on the train. However, when our train stopped, vendors quickly surrounded us, eager to sell food and antiques in exchange for money. I managed to acquire a beautiful wooden vase by trading a pack of Marlboro cigarettes, which I later gifted to my ENT Professor- Gardega, who had performed my tonsil surgery.

As our train departed from Bucharest and journeyed deeper into the countryside, I was struck by the breathtaking beauty of rural Romania, which was tinged with an unsettling aura reminiscent of Jonathan Harker's diary. The landscape exuded an air of ancient superstition and mystery. During the ride, I met a Romanian girl named Anka, who was on her way to Bulgaria. She was a beauty with black hair and bright eyes. She could speak a little English and Russian. Somehow, we tried to understand each other. When I asked about Dracula's castle, she told me that we were just 180 kilometres from Dracula's castle, and I found myself captivated by her stories.

Dracula, often associated with the infamous vampire legend, was inspired by Vlad III of Wallachia, a 15th-century Romanian prince known for his fierce resistance against the Ottoman Empire. Vlad, notorious for his brutal methods of execution, particularly impalement, earned a reputation for extreme cruelty that would later influence Bram Stoker's fictional portrayal of Dracula. However, it is important to note that Vlad the Impaler was not an embodiment of an evil heretic; throughout his life, he was regarded as a defender of Christendom. The decision by Stoker to depict him as a malevolent figure in opposition to Christian values raises questions about the motivations behind this characterization. 

The portrayal of Dracula as an anti-Christ figure, often referred to as the "Prince of Darkness," is a misrepresentation of his historical role. In reality, Vlad the Impaler, the figure behind the Dracula legend, was a staunch defender of the Christian faith, actively resisting Turkish forces and thwarting the spread of Islam in Romania and Bulgaria. Despite his efforts to protect Christianity, Vlad's legacy has been tarnished, leading to his unjust reputation as an antichrist. 

Anka shared intriguing tales about vampires and werewolves, revealing that in some Romanian villages, residents still hang crucifixes and garlic as a means of warding off evil. I inquired with Anka about the origins of the belief that vampires are repelled by garlic. One possible explanation is that garlic emits a potent odour that is intolerable to these mythical creatures.

Anka described the beauty of the Carpathian Mountains. The Carpathian Mountains are special for their vast, relatively untouched wilderness. Near the border between Romania and Bulgaria, I saw the Danube River. It is the only major river in Europe that flows from west to east, traversing or bordering 10 countries. Originating in the Black Forest of Germany, it meanders through ten countries, including Austria, Hungary, and Romania, before finally emptying into the Black Sea.

Upon entering Dracula's land, I was reminded of Jonathan Harker's vivid descriptions in his diary. The foreboding atmosphere enveloped me as I observed the eerie vegetation, imposing mountains, and the sombre expressions of the local peasants in this enigmatic territory. 

Bram Stoker's "Dracula" vividly portrays Jonathan Harker's journey into the vampire's castle, where he encounters terrifying events and frantically escapes from the castle. However, Dracula's curse follows him to England. Finally, Harker gathers his companions and defeats Dracula by driving a stake through his heart and decapitating him. In my own narrative, titled "The Death of Jonathan Harker," which was published in 2014, I explore a continuation of Harker's story. 

Seven years later, as Harker returns to Dracula's domain with Mina, Dr. Seward, and their young son, Quincy. This visit reveals lingering fears as they discover remnants of the past, including ancient gold coins and Turkish swords. A critical moment occurs when Dr. Seward inadvertently cuts his finger when he tries to check the sharpness of a Turkish sword, allowing a drop of blood to fall onto the dust-laden floor, inadvertently resurrecting Dracula from his ashes. Although they manage to escape the castle, their lives are soon plagued by a series of horrors; after seven months of their visit to Carpathian, Dr. Seward is brutally murdered by an unidentified killer, Jonathan is haunted by terrifying visions, and Mina succumbs to illness, calling for the count before her death. Ultimately, Harker is isolated and tormented by the echoes of Dracula's curse. Out of fear, Harker fills his room with crucifixes and garlic, yet he hears frightful sounds, the voices of Dracula's brides. Finally, he descends into madness and dies in a hospital. The young doctor who treated Harker thinks that his patient suffered from a neurotic attack and died. 

For me, Romania remains a Southeastern European country known for its rich history and diverse natural beauty. I saw the Roma people, Romania's largest ethnic minority. They are called "Gypsies" (nowadays, this word is considered ethnic slang). They lived in poverty. The Roma people migrated to Eastern Europe from Northern India. Some say they served as slaves or labourers in the Roman Army. The film Borat accurately portrays the living conditions of Roma people, highlighting issues such as poverty, inadequate education, and the impact of racial discrimination. In the later years, I saw many Romanian Roma people in Canada.

Once at Fairview Mall in North York, Canada, I had an unexpected encounter with two young Roma boys, likely around 11 or 12 years old. While ascending the escalator, I noticed one of the boys holding a wooden tray against his chest. The escalator was crowded and moving slowly.  I suddenly felt pressure against my back, followed by the sensation of someone trying to reach for my wallet in my back pocket. It became apparent that the boys were attempting to pickpocket me, using the tray to hide their actions from the CCTV cameras. After securing my wallet, I watched as they feigned innocence while entering a nearby clothing store, revealing that they were likely being exploited by some Roma adults for theft. Interestingly, my brother later shared a similar experience he had while on vacation in Italy.

Slovaks represent a notable minority in Romania, belonging to the West Slavic ethnic group. Jonathan Harker described the Slovaks he saw as "more barbarian than the rest" due to the prevalent Victorian-era British imperialist biases and ethnocentric views of his time. During World War 2, some Slovaks supported the German Wehrmacht.

In Romania, ethnic Romanians constitute around 89.3% of the total population. During my time in the United States and Canada, I encountered several Romanians who expressed surprise that I had visited Romania during its socialist period. One notable interaction was with a Romanian woman who worked as a building manageress in Toronto; we frequently discussed my experiences in Romania, which provided a unique perspective on the country's history.

Sometimes I make my tailor-made Romanian jokes. Last year, during a routine visit to Life Labs in Ajax, Ontario, I encountered a friendly nurse with an Irish accent while having my blood drawn. In a casual conversation, I inquired whether they were hiring at the blood bank, mentioning that I had a friend with expertise in hematology who was seeking employment specifically in a blood bank. The nurse recommended that my friend check the Life Labs website for potential job openings.  However, I explained that my friend, who came from Transylvania, is not particularly tech-savvy and is an old-school guy. I further mentioned that he has specific working conditions that require him to work only from 6 PM to 6 AM and no daytime shifts. Moreover, he cannot stand the smell of garlic.  After listening to my story, the nurse promptly responded with a smile. “Ho no, your friend is not permitted to enter the life labs”.

In recent years, Romania has experienced a notable increase in the number of Sri Lankan workers, a stark contrast to the minimal presence during the 1990s. When I applied for my Romanian visa at the embassy in Moscow, I was pleasantly surprised by the warm welcome I received. The visa officer, upon seeing my Sri Lankan passport, recognized it and greeted me with a smile, referencing "Mrs. Barandanayeke’s country" before stamping my passport. This moment marked the only occasion on which my Sri Lankan passport was met with such a positive acknowledgment.