Moral Injury in Sri Lankan Combatants Who Participated in the Eelam War

 

 

Moral injury refers to the deep psychological, behavioral, and spiritual turmoil that arises when an individual either engages in, witnesses, or fails to avert actions that contradict their core moral convictions (Litz, Brett et al., 2009). The term moral injury was coined by Dr. Jonathan Shay, a clinical psychiatrist, in the 1990s, while working with Vietnam War veterans, and he connected their deep psychological trauma not to fear, but to a profound sense of institutional betrayal. However, moral injury is fundamentally an age-old phenomenon that has persisted throughout human history, rooted in the existence of moral and ethical beliefs that can be violated (Koenig et al., 2021). Čartolovni and team (2021) argue that, in some cases, moral distress may become moral residue and, over time, culminate in moral injury. According to Griffin and associates (2019), such traumatic experiences can create a clash with one's ethical beliefs, resulting in considerable distress and impairments in functioning.

Moral injury is an increasingly recognized phenomenon in mental health research, particularly relevant to current and former military personnel (Phelps et al., 2024). The trauma associated with warfare can inflict damage on various aspects of health, including physical, psychological, social, and spiritual well-being, thereby contributing to moral injury (Richardson et al., 2020). Moral injury arises when individuals in the military breach their fundamental moral convictions and values during combat situations (Koenig et al., 2021). This violation can lead to profound emotional distress, manifesting as shame, grief, a sense of meaninglessness, and remorse for transgressing core ethical beliefs (Brock & Lettini, 2012).

Moral injury, as outlined by Jones (2020), is defined by feelings of guilt, shame, and self-condemnation, which are often evident in combatants who have undergone traumatic experiences in battle. Williamson et al. (2025) characterize moral injury as a significant occupational risk, particularly prevalent among combatants, stemming from guilt and shame. In a soldier, moral injury develops through a specific cognitive transition in which the raw survival behaviours of combat collide with their peacetime moral upbringing. (Farnsworth ,2022).

Mental health professionals have recognized the phenomenon of moral injury in Sri Lankan soldiers who were involved in the protracted 30-year armed conflict against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This separatist militant organization, which sought an independent Tamil state in northeastern Sri Lanka from 1976 until its defeat in 2009, is often regarded as one of the most advanced insurgent groups globally.

The prolonged armed conflict in Sri Lanka, has significantly contributed to the prevalence of moral injury among combatants (Jayatunge, 2013). Sri Lankan combatants often faced extended deployment periods, frequently spending up to a decade in active combat zones, which intensified the cognitive dissonance between their military actions and their cultural or religious values. Many soldiers grappled with deep psychological and ethical dilemmas during and after their service, sometimes being forced to undertake actions that conflicted with their personal moral convictions. Such experiences can evoke feelings of guilt, shame, and betrayal, especially as they reflect on their involvement in the conflict and the consequences of their actions.  

The majority of combatants from Sri Lanka identify as Buddhists, a faith that emphasizes the principles of karma and the cycle of rebirth. This belief system inherently instills a profound sense of moral responsibility and ethical conduct, which can lead to significant psychological distress when individuals engage in acts of violence or warfare that contradict their spiritual values. As a result, these combatants often experience moral injury, a condition characterized by the internal conflict arising from actions that violate their deeply held beliefs.

During the Eelam war in Sri Lanka, psychological support services were severely lacking and not prioritized, resulting in inadequate treatment for the psychological scars left by the conflict. The insufficient availability of mental health resources, combined with the societal stigma associated with mental health issues, exacerbated the moral injuries experienced by individuals affected by the war.  Many former combatants continue to experience PTSD, depression, adjustment disorders, and moral injuries. These conditions manifest not only as psychological issues but also pose substantial barriers to their reintegration into civilian life, resulting in numerous soldiers facing difficulties in adapting after their service.

Numerous case studies highlight the moral injuries experienced by Sri Lankan combatants. One notable incident involves Major SE, who was ambushed by LTTE militants in a northern village, leading to a fierce firefight. Surrounded by the enemy, Major SE desperately returned fire when an elderly civilian woman inadvertently opened a window to observe the chaos. Mistaking her for an adversary, he shot at the window, tragically wounding the old woman fatally. Despite successfully repelling the enemy and returning to camp, the psychological toll of this traumatic event lingered with Major SE for an extended period. Major SE later recounted that his bullet shattered the old woman's jaw, resulting in significant blood loss. Tragically, she succumbed to her injuries within hours due to the severe bleeding. Major SE endured the profound effects of moral injury, grappling with a range of distressing symptoms that persisted for many years following his wartime experiences.

Another soldier reported experiencing moral injury as a result of exposure to traumatic combat situations. In April 2000, during the Elephant Pass debacle, troops were compelled to retreat to the Soranpattu-Palai defense line, enduring a gruelling 16-kilometre march under the scorching sun, without water, and while facing enemy mortar and sniper fire. Among the retreating soldiers was Corporal K, who witnessed many of his comrades fall victim to enemy attacks and heat strokes. In the midst of this chaos, a wounded soldier implored Corporal K for assistance, but the dire circumstances left little room for altruism, forcing him to decline. The wounded soldier, however, shared his name and address, requesting that Corporal K convey his final words to his family. Although Corporal K promised to honour this request, a few kilometres near the Sorampattu- Palali defense line, Corporal K succumbed to heat stroke and lost consciousness. Fortunately, he was rescued by fellow soldiers and transported to a hospital. Upon regaining consciousness days later, Corporal K had forgotten the dying soldier's name and address. This incident ignited deep shame and guilt in him, which she suffered for many years.

Soldiers can experience moral injury from killing enemy combatants, even when the killing is entirely legal, justified, and necessary for survival (Maguen et al., 2010). The subsequent case study illustrates such an incident.

Sergeant Sx78 dedicated nearly a decade to service in combat zones, notably enduring intense battles while defending the Jaffna Fort, which was besieged and subjected to heavy enemy fire. During the critical operation known as "Midnight Express," he played a pivotal role in rescuing trapped troops, resulting in the death of five enemy combatants. However, in the years that followed, he became increasingly troubled by the moral implications of these actions, reflecting on the humanity of those he had killed. He expressed a deep understanding of their backgrounds, recognizing that they were often impoverished youths, manipulated by hatred and left with few choices. This realization weighed heavily on him, as he grappled with the harsh realities of war, where survival often necessitated lethal force. Acknowledging the conflict between his actions and his Buddhist beliefs, he felt a profound sense of guilt, believing that he would ultimately face karmic consequences for his deeds. This inner turmoil has led him to seek solace in spirituality, aspiring to become a monk upon his retirement from military service.

The prolonged exposure to the tumultuous realities of war and chaos can significantly alter an individual's psychological framework, leading to profound changes in their mental and emotional state. In the aftermath of such distressing experiences, many individuals may encounter moral injury. Research indicates that cumulative war trauma can lead to moral injury among soldiers (Wisco et al.,2017). 

Lt. Colonel LX is a seasoned field officer whose extensive involvement in numerous military operations spanned the entirety of the war, concluding in 2009. Throughout this tumultuous period, he was frequently confronted with the harrowing realities of combat, witnessing the tragic deaths and injuries of fellow soldiers, often in scenarios that left them vulnerable and defenseless. Moreover, his experiences extended beyond the battlefield, as he observed the profound effects of warfare on civilians in the northern regions, who bore the brunt of collateral damage and suffered immensely due to the conflict. The psychological toll of these experiences was significant, as he encountered the deep-seated human suffering that often accompanies war trauma. In the aftermath of the conflict, Lt. Colonel LX retreated into seclusion, grappling with the weight of his memories and developing a more cynical perspective on life, shaped by the stark realities he had witnessed. He is experiencing a range of psychological and emotional symptoms that are significantly impacting his overall well-being, characterized by a profound sense of loss of meaning in his life.

Following the Eelam war in Sri Lanka, numerous combatants were found to be suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (Jayatunge, 2004).  It is essential to distinguish between combat-related PTSD and moral injury, as they stem from different sources. There are many differences between combat-related PTSD and moral injury. While PTSD is driven by fear and threat, moral injury is driven by a collapse of a person's ethical framework (Farnsworth et al.,2017). When a soldier experiences moral injury, it profoundly impacts their personality, identity, and behaviour (Litz et al., 2009). Unlike PTSD, which is primarily a fear-based response, moral injury represents a wound to the conscience, leading to significant psychological, relational, and behavioural challenges (Barnes et al.,2019). 

Moral injury often results in a collapse of identity and self-worth, characterized by aggressive self-loathing and an overwhelming sense of chronic shame and guilt (Farnsworth et al., 2014).  Furthermore, deep cynicism and a loss of trust emerge, eroding the soldier's faith in the military hierarchy, political leaders, and the institution as a whole, which can extend into their civilian life (Shay, 2014). The consequences may include a loss of faith and a descent into existential nihilism, relational destructiveness, and isolation. Additionally, self-sabotage and self-punishment frequently occur, often accompanied by engagement in high-risk behaviors (Griffin et al., 2019).

Specialized treatment for moral injury in soldiers is essential, as neglecting this issue can result in severe consequences, including a total collapse of identity, increased social isolation, and a heightened risk of suicide (Bryan et al.,2014).  Once moral injury occurs, evidence-based clinical therapies become essential to address the profound shame and guilt experienced by these individuals.

Adaptive Disclosure (AD) is one of the premier, evidence-based treatments developed specifically for moral injury in military personnel (Litz et al., 2016).  Adaptive Disclosure (AD) integrates focused imaginal exposure with organized, real-time dialogues to assist military personnel in addressing and processing the unique emotional traumas associated with combat experiences.

Another effective intervention is Trauma-Informed Guilt Reduction (TiGR) Therapy, which evaluates the realities of a crisis, enabling soldiers to discern what they could control versus what was beyond their influence during chaotic situations (Norman et al.,2019).  Additionally, spiritual therapy plays a crucial role in addressing moral injury. Spiritual therapy heals moral injury by directly addressing the existential and metaphysical wounds (Carey et al.,2026). 

Group therapy sessions and Peer support groups enable veterans to share their experiences with others who have faced similar combat situations, fostering a sense of normalcy in their reactions to trauma. Creating safe spaces for open discussions about deeply held shame is vital for bringing these hidden memories to light (Allbaugh, Placeres & Toor, 2023).   Furthermore, mindfulness breath meditation and loving-kindness meditation (LKM) are highly effective tools for healing moral injury (Kelley et al., 2025).  

Moral injury among Sri Lankan combatants who took part in the Eelam War represents a significant yet under-explored area of research that warrants immediate attention.  It is crucial to accurately diagnose the presence of moral injury in these veterans, as it can manifest in various ways, including feelings of guilt, shame, and a diminished sense of self-worth. Furthermore, providing appropriate psychological support tailored to the unique experiences of these combatants is essential for their recovery and reintegration into society. By addressing this critical issue, we can not only aid those who have suffered in silence but also contribute to a broader understanding of the psychological ramifications of war, ultimately fostering a more compassionate approach to veteran care in Sri Lanka.

 

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ඉස්කෝලේ යන කාලේ ෆිල්ම් බලපු හැටි

1979 දී කොලඹ මැජෙස්ටික් තියටර් එකට ලිව් ඇන්ඬ් ලෙට් ඩයි ජේම්ස් බෝන්ඬ් ෆිල්ම් එක ආවා. එතකොට මම 7 පන්තියේ. ඒක බලන්න යන්න ගෙදරින් ඇහුවම කිව්වේ ඒක ලමයින්ට සුදුසු නෑ, කියලා. සල්ලිත් අතේ නෑ. කොහොම හරි ෆිල්ම් එක බලන්නත් ඕනේ. හතර අතේ කල්පනා කලාම දැක්කා තාත්තාගේ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් සෙට් එක මේ පොත් තාත්තා 1960 ගනන් කාලේ ඉඳන් කලෙක්ට් කරන පොත්. ඒකාලේ පොතක් රුපියල් දෙකක් විතර වෙනවා වැල්ලවත්තේ කේවීජී සිල්වා පොත් කඩයේ . මේ පොත් කඩය තිබ්බේ සෙන්ට් පීටර්ස් එක ලඟ. මම තාත්තාගේ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් සෙට් එකක් අරගෙන පොත් කඩ කීපයකට ගියා. කවුරුවත් පොත් ගන්නේ නෑ. බම්බලපිටිය හෝලි ෆැමලි එක ඉදිරිපිට තිබ්බා ධර්මදාස පොත් හල. ඒකේ හිටියා මැදි වියේ ඩයල් එකක්. මෑන් රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොතකට සත 50 ගානේ දුන්නා. ඒ කාලේ ගැලරිය සත 75 , සෙකන්ඬ් ක්ලාස් 2.75. පොත් 10 -12 දුන්නොත් ෆිල්ම් එකත් බලලා ඉන්ටවල් එකට කඩල පැකට් එකකටත් සල්ලි. කොහොම හරි එදා තාත්තාගේ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් විකුනලා ලිව් ඇන්ඬ් ලෙට් ඩයි ජේම්ස් බෝන්ඬ් ෆිල්ම් එක බැලුවා. මේ අලුත් සොයා ගැනීමෙන් පස්සේ මම කලේ සුමාන 2 සැරයක් තාත්තාගේ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් සෙට් එකක් ධර්මදාස පොත් හලට ගිහින් දෙනවා එම්පයර් , සැවෝයි , ලිබර්ටි , මැජෙස්ටික් එකේ ෆිල්ම් බලනවා. මේ විදියට බෙන්හර් , ඩර්ටි ඩසන් , බ්ලැක් සන්ඩේ, ඩීප්, බ්‍රිජ් ටූ ෆා, චෑම්ප්, ජෝස්, වයිඩ්ල් ගීස් , ගුඩ්බයි ගර්ල් , පොසිඩන් ඇඩ්වෙන්චර් වගේ ෆිල්ම් බැලුවා.ස්ටාර් වෝස් , සැටඩේ නයිට් ෆීවර්, එන්ටර් ද ඩ්‍රැගන් , පිරානා , (ගෙයිටි එකේ බැලුවා ජිම් බ්‍රවුන් ගේ එස්කේප් ෆ්‍රොම් ඩෙවල්ස් අයිලන්ඬ්) වැල්ලවත්ත කොන්කෝඩ් එකේ බෘස්ලී ගේ බිග් බොස් , ශෝන් කොන්රිගේ තන්ඩබෝල්ට්, එයාර්පෝට් 80, අර්බන් කව් බෝයි, වරක් බෝ ඩෙරික් හිටපු 10 ෆිල්ම් එක බලන්න ගිහින් මැනේජර් මාව එලව ගත්තා ඒක ඇඩලස් ඔන්ලි නිසා. ගෙදර අයියලා මේ ෆිල්ම් ගැන කතා කරන කොට කට පොපියනවා ෆිල්ම් එකේ කෑලි කියන්න. ඒත් කියන්න ගිහින් කේස් එක අසු වෙයි කියලා කට වහගෙන ඉන්නවා.තාත්තා නිතරම පොත් කඩ වලින් රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් ගන්න නිසා මම පොත් උස්සන එක එක පාරටම මාට්ටු උනේ නෑ. තාත්තා තමන් ගන්න පොත් වල පිට කවරේ අත්සනක් දානවා. දවසක් ධර්මදාස පොත් හලෙන් පරණ රීඩස් ඩයිජස්ට් පොත් සෙට් එකක් ගන්න කොට තාත්තගේ අත්සන් තියන පොත් කීපයකුත් තිබිලා. ඒ ගැන පොත් කඩකාරයාගෙන් අහන කොට මෑන් කියලා බේබි නම් ඉඳලා හිටලා පොත් ගේනවා ඒවා කීපයක් නම් සල්ලි දීලා ගත්තා කියලා. වැඩය නෝන්ඩි. මම වරද පාපොච්චාරණය කරලා බලපු ෆිල්ම් ලිස්ට් එක කිව්වා. ඒත් මට පෝරියල් එකක් ලැබුනේ නෑ.

ඔන්න ඔහොමයි අපි ඉස්කෝලේ යන කාලේ ෆිල්ම් බැලුවේ.

My Travelogue of Dracula's Homeland – Romania

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

When I think about Dracula movies, my thoughts inevitably turn to Romania and Transylvania. I have seen several adaptations, with memorable performances including Bela Lugosi's iconic 1931 portrayal, Christopher Lee's various interpretations, Frank Langella's seductive 1979 version, and Francis Ford Coppola's 1992 film. Each of these movies evokes a sense of fear. I vividly recall watching Christopher Lee's “Dracula Has Risen from the Grave” on a solitary night in London. I was in my twenties and still captivated by the allure of horror. The film began at 10:30 p.m., and as I sat alone, I felt chills run down my spine. By the time the credits rolled at midnight, my heart raced, and I found solace in keeping a copy of the Buddhist Dhammapada under my pillow as I went to bed. 

In my opinion, Christopher Lee stands out as the classic portrayal of Dracula, with a tall physique and a sinister outlook. I'm most certain that I have seen all of Christopher Lee's Dracula movies. When I compare Christopher Lee with Claes Bang, the Danish actor from the 2020 Netflix series "Dracula," my initial impression is that Bang embodies a character reminiscent of James Bond, particularly akin to Pierce Brosnan. I perceive him as Bond embodying the essence of Dracula. However, the 2020 Netflix adaptation presents Dracula's castle as a far more menacing and foreboding setting, enhancing the overall atmosphere of dread in the series.

In 1990, shortly after the assassination of Nicolae Ceaușescu, Romanian communist politician and dictator, I had the opportunity to visit Romania, the land of Dracula. Upon arriving in Bucharest, the atmosphere was filled with chaos, visible poverty, and social disorder. A militia member warned us that people were so desperate they would loot bread, indicating it was unsafe to walk the streets with even a loaf. I initially believed it was an overstatement to keep us on the train. However, when our train stopped, vendors quickly surrounded us, eager to sell food and antiques in exchange for money. I managed to acquire a beautiful wooden vase by trading a pack of Marlboro cigarettes, which I later gifted to my ENT Professor- Gardega, who had performed my tonsil surgery.

As our train departed from Bucharest and journeyed deeper into the countryside, I was struck by the breathtaking beauty of rural Romania, which was tinged with an unsettling aura reminiscent of Jonathan Harker's diary. The landscape exuded an air of ancient superstition and mystery. During the ride, I met a Romanian girl named Anka, who was on her way to Bulgaria. She was a beauty with black hair and bright eyes. She could speak a little English and Russian. Somehow, we tried to understand each other. When I asked about Dracula's castle, she told me that we were just 180 kilometres from Dracula's castle, and I found myself captivated by her stories.

Dracula, often associated with the infamous vampire legend, was inspired by Vlad III of Wallachia, a 15th-century Romanian prince known for his fierce resistance against the Ottoman Empire. Vlad, notorious for his brutal methods of execution, particularly impalement, earned a reputation for extreme cruelty that would later influence Bram Stoker's fictional portrayal of Dracula. However, it is important to note that Vlad the Impaler was not an embodiment of an evil heretic; throughout his life, he was regarded as a defender of Christendom. The decision by Stoker to depict him as a malevolent figure in opposition to Christian values raises questions about the motivations behind this characterization. 

The portrayal of Dracula as an anti-Christ figure, often referred to as the "Prince of Darkness," is a misrepresentation of his historical role. In reality, Vlad the Impaler, the figure behind the Dracula legend, was a staunch defender of the Christian faith, actively resisting Turkish forces and thwarting the spread of Islam in Romania and Bulgaria. Despite his efforts to protect Christianity, Vlad's legacy has been tarnished, leading to his unjust reputation as an antichrist. 

Anka shared intriguing tales about vampires and werewolves, revealing that in some Romanian villages, residents still hang crucifixes and garlic as a means of warding off evil. I inquired with Anka about the origins of the belief that vampires are repelled by garlic. One possible explanation is that garlic emits a potent odour that is intolerable to these mythical creatures.

Anka described the beauty of the Carpathian Mountains. The Carpathian Mountains are special for their vast, relatively untouched wilderness. Near the border between Romania and Bulgaria, I saw the Danube River. It is the only major river in Europe that flows from west to east, traversing or bordering 10 countries. Originating in the Black Forest of Germany, it meanders through ten countries, including Austria, Hungary, and Romania, before finally emptying into the Black Sea.

Upon entering Dracula's land, I was reminded of Jonathan Harker's vivid descriptions in his diary. The foreboding atmosphere enveloped me as I observed the eerie vegetation, imposing mountains, and the sombre expressions of the local peasants in this enigmatic territory. 

Bram Stoker's "Dracula" vividly portrays Jonathan Harker's journey into the vampire's castle, where he encounters terrifying events and frantically escapes from the castle. However, Dracula's curse follows him to England. Finally, Harker gathers his companions and defeats Dracula by driving a stake through his heart and decapitating him. In my own narrative, titled "The Death of Jonathan Harker," which was published in 2014, I explore a continuation of Harker's story. 

Seven years later, as Harker returns to Dracula's domain with Mina, Dr. Seward, and their young son, Quincy. This visit reveals lingering fears as they discover remnants of the past, including ancient gold coins and Turkish swords. A critical moment occurs when Dr. Seward inadvertently cuts his finger when he tries to check the sharpness of a Turkish sword, allowing a drop of blood to fall onto the dust-laden floor, inadvertently resurrecting Dracula from his ashes. Although they manage to escape the castle, their lives are soon plagued by a series of horrors; after seven months of their visit to Carpathian, Dr. Seward is brutally murdered by an unidentified killer, Jonathan is haunted by terrifying visions, and Mina succumbs to illness, calling for the count before her death. Ultimately, Harker is isolated and tormented by the echoes of Dracula's curse. Out of fear, Harker fills his room with crucifixes and garlic, yet he hears frightful sounds, the voices of Dracula's brides. Finally, he descends into madness and dies in a hospital. The young doctor who treated Harker thinks that his patient suffered from a neurotic attack and died. 

For me, Romania remains a Southeastern European country known for its rich history and diverse natural beauty. I saw the Roma people, Romania's largest ethnic minority. They are called "Gypsies" (nowadays, this word is considered ethnic slang). They lived in poverty. The Roma people migrated to Eastern Europe from Northern India. Some say they served as slaves or labourers in the Roman Army. The film Borat accurately portrays the living conditions of Roma people, highlighting issues such as poverty, inadequate education, and the impact of racial discrimination. In the later years, I saw many Romanian Roma people in Canada.

Once at Fairview Mall in North York, Canada, I had an unexpected encounter with two young Roma boys, likely around 11 or 12 years old. While ascending the escalator, I noticed one of the boys holding a wooden tray against his chest. The escalator was crowded and moving slowly.  I suddenly felt pressure against my back, followed by the sensation of someone trying to reach for my wallet in my back pocket. It became apparent that the boys were attempting to pickpocket me, using the tray to hide their actions from the CCTV cameras. After securing my wallet, I watched as they feigned innocence while entering a nearby clothing store, revealing that they were likely being exploited by some Roma adults for theft. Interestingly, my brother later shared a similar experience he had while on vacation in Italy.

Slovaks represent a notable minority in Romania, belonging to the West Slavic ethnic group. Jonathan Harker described the Slovaks he saw as "more barbarian than the rest" due to the prevalent Victorian-era British imperialist biases and ethnocentric views of his time. During World War 2, some Slovaks supported the German Wehrmacht.

In Romania, ethnic Romanians constitute around 89.3% of the total population. During my time in the United States and Canada, I encountered several Romanians who expressed surprise that I had visited Romania during its socialist period. One notable interaction was with a Romanian woman who worked as a building manageress in Toronto; we frequently discussed my experiences in Romania, which provided a unique perspective on the country's history.

Sometimes I make my tailor-made Romanian jokes. Last year, during a routine visit to Life Labs in Ajax, Ontario, I encountered a friendly nurse with an Irish accent while having my blood drawn. In a casual conversation, I inquired whether they were hiring at the blood bank, mentioning that I had a friend with expertise in hematology who was seeking employment specifically in a blood bank. The nurse recommended that my friend check the Life Labs website for potential job openings.  However, I explained that my friend, who came from Transylvania, is not particularly tech-savvy and is an old-school guy. I further mentioned that he has specific working conditions that require him to work only from 6 PM to 6 AM and no daytime shifts. Moreover, he cannot stand the smell of garlic.  After listening to my story, the nurse promptly responded with a smile. “Ho no, your friend is not permitted to enter the life labs”.

In recent years, Romania has experienced a notable increase in the number of Sri Lankan workers, a stark contrast to the minimal presence during the 1990s. When I applied for my Romanian visa at the embassy in Moscow, I was pleasantly surprised by the warm welcome I received. The visa officer, upon seeing my Sri Lankan passport, recognized it and greeted me with a smile, referencing "Mrs. Barandanayeke’s country" before stamping my passport. This moment marked the only occasion on which my Sri Lankan passport was met with such a positive acknowledgment.

Pedophilia- Sexual Offending Against Children in Sri Lanka

 

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge, M.D. PhD 

The issue of pedophilia is increasingly alarming in Sri Lanka, where a disturbing number of offenders include individuals who are often trusted figures within the community. This troubling trend encompasses a range of perpetrators, such as neighbours, religious leaders, educators, and even family members, who exploit their positions of authority and trust to commit indecent acts against vulnerable children. Analyzing child sexual abuse in Sri Lanka, de Silva (1997) emphasizes the "iceberg phenomenon," illustrating that a significant portion of abuse takes place within local communities and households, often hidden from public view.

The National Child Protection Authority (NCPA) of Sri Lanka reports that the country receives more than 10,000 complaints of child abuse each year, with a significant number classified as sexual violence and harassment. However, local and international organizations caution that the true extent of these issues is likely much greater due to societal stigma and a low rate of reporting. In the first eleven months of 2024, Sri Lanka documented 1,526 cases of child rape and 544 instances of serious sexual abuse. Furthermore, in 2025, the NCPA officially recorded 545 cases of sexual harassment, 231 cases of severe sexual abuse, and 38 cases of child rape among the complaints related to children.

The effects of child sexual abuse on victims are profoundly harmful and far-reaching, often leading to long-lasting psychological and emotional scars. Survivors frequently endure significant trauma, which can lead to conditions such as anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Hughes et al.,2020). These mental health challenges can obstruct their ability to establish healthy relationships and foster trust, as the violation of their innocence instills a lasting sense of fear and vulnerability (DiLillo, 2001).  

According to Cutajar and team (2010), many victims also grapple with feelings of shame and guilt, which can isolate them from potential support networks and intensify their pain. The toll on their self-esteem can be severe, affecting various life domains, including education and career opportunities.  Additionally, the physical ramifications of abuse may be considerable, with victims potentially facing injuries or health issues that necessitate ongoing medical care. Ultimately, the consequences of pedophilia extend well beyond the initial trauma, influencing the victim's overall life path and well-being, and in some cases, leading to a cycle of abuse in adulthood (Seto & Lalumière, 2010).  

The involvement of adults in sexual activities with minors is recognized as a pathological behavior, primarily due to the severe psychological and social consequences it entails. This behavior is commonly referred to as pedophilia, a term that encompasses a range of actions and inclinations that violate the fundamental rights and well-being of children.

Pedophilia is characterized by a persistent sexual attraction to pre-pubertal children, as noted by Seto (2009). This condition, classified as a type of paraphilia, is significant not only for the distress it causes the individual but also for the potential harm it poses to others. Furthermore, it is important to recognize that pedophilia does not always manifest in isolation, as highlighted by Tenbergen et al. (2015).

Pedophiles exhibit persistent sexual fantasies, urges, or behaviors directed towards one or more prepubescent children, typically aged 13 or younger, for a duration of at least six months. These impulses significantly influence the individual's actions, making it challenging for them to resist or control their thoughts and behaviors. Additionally, the individual must be at least 16 years old and at least five years older than the child who is the focus of these fantasies or behaviors (Perrotta, 2020).  

As described by Perrotta (2020), there are two distinct categories of pedophiles: sadistic and playful. Sadistic pedophiles derive intense gratification from inflicting harm on their victims, employing both psychological tactics, such as humiliation, and physical violence. In contrast, playful pedophiles engage with children in a manner that is less likely to cause trauma, focusing on play rather than harm.

In psychodynamic theory, the genesis of pedophilia is viewed as a defense mechanism against deep-seated psychological anxieties rooted in early childhood development (Perrotta, 2020).  According to Freud, the origins of pedophilia lie in a developmental failure where the adult sexual drive (libido) becomes stuck in, or retreats to, childhood stages due to profound psychological conflict (Freud, 1962).  

The modern perspective on pedophilia has shifted from early psychodynamic theories to a more nuanced neurodevelopmental approach. Instead of viewing it merely as a psychological defense mechanism, contemporary psychiatry, neuroscience, and clinical psychology recognize true (idiopathic) pedophilia as an intrinsic sexual orientation or preference. This understanding posits that it may arise from atypical brain development during prenatal or early childhood stages (Cantor et al., 2002). While the etiology and pathogenesis of pedophilia remain unclear, research indicates that it may be a multifactorial developmental disorder (Knecht, 2001). Additionally, Becerra García (2009) notes that individuals with pedophilia display various neural alterations, characterized by a predominantly subcortical pattern of brain activation in response to sexual stimuli.

Research indicates that individuals with pedophilic tendencies often exhibit a range of psychiatric traits beyond their atypical sexual interests. These may include elevated instances of affective disorders, substance use disorders, impulse control issues, various paraphilias, and personality disorders classified under clusters A and B (Perrotta, 2020).

Treatment for pedophilia encompasses addressing both the needs of victims and the behaviors of perpetrators. This dual approach aims to provide support and rehabilitation for those affected while also focusing on the underlying issues faced by offenders. By recognizing the complexities of this issue, effective strategies can be developed to prevent further harm and promote healing for all involved.

Addressing the needs of victims of child sexual abuse requires a comprehensive and sensitive approach that prioritizes their emotional and psychological well-being. It is essential to create a safe and supportive environment where survivors feel empowered to share their experiences without fear of judgment or retribution. Professional intervention, including therapy and counseling, plays a crucial role in helping victims process their trauma and develop coping strategies. Therapeutic modalities such as cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT) and trauma-focused therapy can be particularly effective in addressing the complex emotions and behaviors that often arise following such abuse (APA,2020).

Additionally, involving caregivers and family members in the healing process can foster a supportive network that reinforces the victim's recovery journey. It is also vital to provide education and resources to help victims understand their rights and the legal options available to them, ensuring they feel informed and supported as they navigate the aftermath of their experiences. Ultimately, a holistic approach that combines psychological support, education, and community resources is essential for facilitating healing and resilience in survivors of child sexual abuse

Treatment for pedophilia typically involves a combination of pharmacological interventions, such as antiandrogens, anxiolytics, and serotonin reuptake inhibitors, alongside various forms of psychotherapy, including cognitive-behavioural therapy, strategic approaches, or group therapy. This integrated approach aims to address both the psychological and physiological aspects of the condition, enhancing the effectiveness of the treatment. Thibaut et al., 2014). Vanderschueren (1996) suggest to treat Pedophilia with chemical castration, especially with Antiandrogens

Child abuse represents a significant societal issue that has far-reaching consequences for the well-being of children. Communities must take proactive measures to eradicate child sexual abuse, as this form of violence not only inflicts immediate harm but also leaves lasting psychological scars on its victims. Education and social awareness play crucial roles in this endeavor; by informing the public about the signs of abuse and the importance of intervention, society can create a safer environment for children. Additionally, it is vital to safeguard those in vulnerable situations, ensuring that protective measures are in place to prevent abuse from occurring in the first place. 

Victims of child abuse require comprehensive support, including psychological counseling to help them heal from their traumatic experiences and legal assistance to navigate the complexities of the justice system. Furthermore, it is essential to hold perpetrators accountable for their actions, ensuring they face appropriate legal consequences while also providing them with access to treatment programs aimed at addressing the underlying issues that contribute to their behavior. Only through a multifaceted approach that combines prevention, support, and accountability can society hope to effectively combat child abuse and protect its most vulnerable members.

  

References

American Psychological Association. (2020). Guidelines for the treatment of survivors of sexual assault. Retrieved from https://www.apa.org/advocacy/health/sexual-assault-guidelines

Becerra García, J. A. (2009). Etiology of pedophilia from a neurodevelopmental perspective: markers and brain alterations [Etiología de la pedofilia desde el neurodesarrollo: marcadores y alteraciones cerebrales]. Revista de Psiquiatría y Salud Mental, 2(4), 190–196. doi.org.

Cantor, J. M., Blanchard, R., Robichaud, L. K., & Christensen, B. K. (2002). Quantitative reanalysis of gross morphometric brain anomalies in pedophilia. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 14(3), 241–261. doi.org.

Cutajar, J., Mullen, P. E., Ogloff, J. R., Thomas, S. D., Wells, D. L., & Chang, J. (2010). Psychopathology, Weddington, and educational outcomes in adult survivors of child sexual abuse. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 44(4), 363–370. doi.org.

de Silva, D. G. H. (1997). Child abuse in Sri Lanka. Ceylon Journal of Child Health, 26, 20–28

DiLillo, D. (2001). Interpersonal functioning among adult survivors of childhood sexual abuse: A review of the empirical literature. Clinical Psychology Review, 21(3), 363–387. doi.org

Freud, S. (1962). Three essays on the theory of sexuality (J. Strachey, Trans.). Basic Books. (Original work published 1905)

Knecht T. Die Pädophilie und ihre Behandlung [Pedophilia and its treatment]. Praxis (Bern 1994). 2001 Nov 1;90(44):1906-12. German. PMID: 11721303.

Hughes, K., Lowey, H., Quigg, Z., & Bellis, M. A. (2020). Long-term outcomes of childhood sexual abuse: An umbrella review of systematic reviews and meta-analyses. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 21(3), 512–527. doi.org

Perrotta, G. (2020). Pedophilia: Definition, classifications, criminological and neurobiological profiles, and clinical treatments. A complete review. Open Journal of Pediatrics and Child Health, 5(1), 19–26. doi.org

Seto M. C. (2009). Pedophilia. Annu. Rev. Clin. Psychol. 5, 391–407. 10.1146/annurev.clinpsy.032408.153618.

Seto, M. C., & Lalumière, M. L. (2010). What is the relationship between childhood sexual victimization and adult sexual offending? A systematic review. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 11(3), 114–126. doi.org

Tenbergen G, Wittfoth M, Frieling H, Ponseti J, Walter M, Walter H, Beier KM, Schiffer B, Kruger TH. The Neurobiology and Psychology of Pedophilia: Recent Advances and Challenges. Front Hum Neurosci. 2015 Jun 24;9:344. doi: 10.3389/fnhum.2015.00344. PMID: 26157372; PMCID: PMC4478390.

Thibaut, F., De La Barra, F., Gordon, H., Cosyns, P., & Bradford, J. M. (2014). The World Federation of Societies of Biological Psychiatry (WFSBP) guidelines for the biological treatment of paraphilias. The World Journal of Biological Psychiatry, 15(3), 162–174. doi.org.

Vanderschueren DM. Hormonale behandeling van pedofilie [Hormone treatment of pedophilia]. Verh K Acad Geneeskd Belg. 1997;59(5):371-8. Dutch. PMID: 9490924.

From Eelam War Heroes to Disposable Mercenaries: Sri Lankan Combatants Fighting in the Ukrainian War

 

 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

The onset of the Ukrainian war in 2014 created significant manpower challenges, prompting both Russia and Ukraine to recruit former soldiers from various nations. This situation has led to the involvement of numerous ex-combatants and military personnel from Sri Lanka, driven largely by the country's severe economic conditions. Many veterans have unfortunately become targets for human trafficking networks and misleading social media campaigns that promote lucrative, non-combat positions. As a result, a considerable number of individuals have travelled to the conflict zone to enlist in either the Russian or Ukrainian armed forces.

Initially, the agents assured recruits that their roles would be limited to non-combat positions in the rear. However, upon deployment, the reality proved starkly different. Many veterans, lured by the promise of safer jobs such as driving or cooking, found themselves thrust into the chaos of the frontlines, serving as mercenaries and facing direct enemy fire.

The issue of unofficial military deployments involving former Sri Lankan combatants has escalated into a significant governmental concern. According to estimates from parliamentary inquiries and independent human rights organizations, approximately 2,000 experienced veterans have joined foreign military forces. The Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry has officially recorded 554 individuals who have enlisted in the Russian military. Furthermore, reports suggest that at least 275 Sri Lankans have lost their lives while fighting for Russia, a number that likely underrepresents the actual casualties, particularly when contrasted with the 59 fatalities acknowledged by the Sri Lankan government.

While government figures previously acknowledged 59 fatalities, investigations by Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for POWs and the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) have revealed that at least 275 Sri Lankans have lost their lives while fighting for Russia. Additionally, more than 120 individuals are reported missing or have lost all contact with their families, and Ukrainian forces have captured several former soldiers. They are currently being held as Prisoners of War.

The combatants of Sri Lanka engaged in a prolonged conflict known as the Eelam War, which left many of them with both physical injuries and deep psychological scars. Following their retirement from active duty, numerous veterans found themselves grappling with a loss of identity and diminished social standing, as the transition to civilian life proved challenging.

Understanding the motivations that lead former combatants to become mercenaries is crucial, as they extend beyond mere economic hardship. Many of these individuals are drawn back to conflict zones due to a psychological phenomenon known as trauma reenactment. This occurs when veterans, burdened by moral injury or survivor's guilt, feel an unconscious urge to reconnect with their past traumas, often leading them to engage in conflicts that are not directly related to their own experiences. For these individuals, a peaceful environment can seem unpredictable and threatening, while chaotic or dangerous settings feel familiar and manageable. This sense of familiarity compels them to recreate chaos, thereby regaining a sense of control in the face of perceived dangers.

Reports have emerged indicating that some former combatants from Sri Lanka are now aligning with their former enemies, including members of the Jeyanthan Brigade of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This complex situation underscores the lasting effects of war on personal identities and the intricate relationships within post-conflict societies.

This account presents the personal experience of a Sri Lankan ex-combatant who participated in the conflict in Ukraine. The narrative offers insights into the challenges faced during the war, reflecting on the complexities of combat and the emotional toll it takes on individuals involved.

Sargent GK is a combat veteran who initially served in the Sri Lanka Sinha Regiment and later in the Sri Lanka Army's special forces. He spent a number of years in Northern Sri Lanka fighting the LTTE, a separatist military organization. Throughout the course of the armed conflict, he witnessed a series of traumatic battle incidents that profoundly affected his emotional well-being.

After retiring from military service, he dedicated much of his time to his family; however, the financial difficulties he faced began to weigh heavily on him. Having been a fully engaged combat soldier, the transition to civilian life proved to be monotonous and unfulfilling. It was during this period of restlessness that he learned about job opportunities available for former soldiers in Russia, which sparked a glimmer of hope. Intrigued by the prospect of a new beginning and the chance to utilize his skills in a different environment, he decided to pursue this opportunity, eager to see if fortune would favour him in this new chapter of his life.

He contacted an agent and invested 750,000 Sri Lankan rupees, which is roughly equivalent to 2,278 US dollars, to secure a position abroad, enticed by the prospect of earning a monthly salary of 200,000 Russian rubles, approximately 2,748 US dollars. Sargent GK shared his experiences as he traveled to Moscow, where he was subsequently transferred to a base camp in Ukraine. There, he participated in a comprehensive 14-day training program alongside fellow recruits from various countries, including Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, India, and several African nations. Notably, many of these individuals were not engaged in combat roles; instead, they were primarily support staff, fulfilling essential functions such as cooking and driving.

Upon completing their basic training, the soldiers were informed that they would be deployed to the front lines of the war. For Sergeant GK, who had previously faced the rigors of combat, this news did not come as a shock; he resolved to embrace the challenge and prepare for the realities of battle. In contrast, many of his fellow recruits were overwhelmed by a sense of dread and disbelief at the prospect of serving in such a perilous environment. The weight of this revelation settled heavily on them, as they grappled with the fear of the unknown and the daunting responsibilities that lay ahead.

Sargent GK expressed concerns regarding the inadequacy of the 14-day training program, highlighting that it failed to adequately prepare the personnel for the challenges they would face. Many soldiers completed the training without a clear understanding of the enemy they were about to confront, nor were they familiar with the types of weaponry they would encounter in combat. This lack of preparation extended to their unfamiliarity with the terrain, which impacted their operational effectiveness. Additionally, the soldiers were not briefed on the climatic conditions they would experience, which further complicated their ability to adapt and respond to the environment during their missions.

Upon their arrival at the front lines, the soldiers encountered a formidable and elusive adversary, marked by the pervasive use of drone warfare, which led to substantial losses within their ranks. Sargent GK found himself deeply unsettled by the absence of organized evacuation efforts for both the deceased and the critically injured, a stark departure from his previous experiences during the Eelam War in Sri Lanka. In that conflict, he had been confident that if he sustained injuries, his comrades would promptly come to his aid and facilitate his evacuation. Furthermore, he held a firm belief that, should he fall in battle, his body would be recovered by his fellow soldiers. However, the situation in the Ukrainian war starkly contrasted this expectation, revealing a troubling lack of coordination and support for the wounded and fallen, leaving him to grapple with the harsh realities of modern warfare.

The absence of unit cohesion was noticeable, leading to a pervasive atmosphere where each soldier was left to fend for himself. The grim reality was that if one were to sustain serious injuries, the likelihood of receiving assistance from comrades was virtually nonexistent; they would not be carried to the field medical units. This precarious situation fostered a deep-seated anxiety among many soldiers, who found themselves grappling with feelings of cynicism and a profound sense of helplessness. The knowledge that their survival depended solely on their own resilience, rather than the support of their peers, created a psychological burden that weighed heavily on their morale and overall effectiveness in the field.

Sergeant GK noted that Russian senior officers rarely visited the front, and language barriers created confusion among the mercenaries. The team found themselves in a state of heightened alert, as there was no prior debriefing or comprehensive explanation of the mission at hand. Instead, they were compelled to respond swiftly to unexpected directives that arrived without warning. This lack of preparation created an atmosphere of uncertainty, where each member had to rely on their instincts and training to navigate the unfolding situation. The abrupt nature of the orders demanded immediate action, leaving little room for discussion or strategic planning.

Amidst the chaos of the battlefield, he witnessed the harrowing toll of war as his comrades fell victim to relentless drone strikes and the merciless barrage of artillery fire. The sight of injured soldiers and the lifeless bodies strewn across the ground became a grim reality that haunted him daily. Despite the profound loss, there was a disheartening lack of acknowledgment or reverence for the fallen; their remains lay neglected, slowly succumbing to decay. In the dense forests surrounding the conflict zone, he frequently stumbled upon human remains, a stark reminder of the violence that engulfed them. Each encounter was a deeply unsettling experience, leaving an indelible mark on his psyche as he grappled with the brutality of war and the indifference it often elicited.

The soldiers faced significant challenges due to the irregularity of their food rations, which compelled them to seek additional supplies from nearby shops. Their primary sustenance included staples such as rice, bread, chicken, canned goods, fish, and occasionally, vegetables. To manage their meals, they set up makeshift field kitchens, allowing them to prepare simple dishes, including soup, on occasion.

Amidst these difficulties, he found solace in receiving his guaranteed monthly salary of 200,000 rubles, which was conveniently deposited into his bank account. This financial support not only provided him with a sense of relief but also enabled him to send much-needed funds to his family residing in Sri Lanka, ensuring their well-being despite the distance.

In the Eelam War in Sri Lanka, Sergeant GK engaged with rebels, targeting their bankers. In contrast, during the conflict in Ukraine, he encountered a different kind of warfare, characterized by the presence of drones equipped with six bombs that struck unexpectedly. The sight of these drones prompted immediate reactions, as soldiers would scramble for cover, a response he was unaccustomed to. Additionally, he faced the relentless artillery fire from Ukrainian forces, which resulted in significant casualties. Amidst this unfamiliar battleground, he came to a stark realization: if he were to be killed or severely injured, there would be no one to recover his body, leaving it to decay in the frigid terrain.

The foreign mercenaries found themselves engulfed in a climate of uncertainty and confusion, largely due to the absence of effective leadership to direct their efforts or orchestrate significant offensives. This lack of guidance left them vulnerable, as they often lived in anticipation of the deadly drones that patrolled the skies, prompting them to adopt various evasive strategies. The weaponry at their disposal proved inadequate for countering the Ukrainian drones, rendering them largely defenceless. Whenever the ominous sound of the drones approached, or they caught sight of them overhead, the soldiers instinctively sought refuge, scrambling for any available shelter to protect themselves from the imminent threat.

Amidst the harsh realities of warfare and the bittersweet recollections of their homeland, Sergeant GK recounted how the foreign mercenaries sought solace through entertainment. In a bid to uplift their spirits, the soldiers gathered to sing traditional songs from their native cultures, their voices rising above the sounds of conflict. They also engaged in lively dances, captivating an audience composed of international onlookers who were drawn to the vibrant display of camaraderie and cultural expression. Ingeniously, they transformed everyday utensils into makeshift drums, creating rhythmic beats that resonated with a sense of unity and joy. These fleeting moments of celebration provided the soldiers with a much-needed respite, allowing them to experience brief intervals of happiness amidst the chaos of the battlefield.

After serving for ten months, Sergeant GK made the difficult decision to request a discharge from active duty, yearning to leave the front lines behind. The weight of personal issues at home compelled him to seek resolution, and he felt an urgent desire to return to his family. However, the bureaucratic process for obtaining the necessary clearance was lengthy and fraught with delays. Once he finally received the long-awaited approval, he made his way to Moscow, where he boarded a flight to Colombo, eager to escape the turmoil of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and find solace away from the battlefield.

After returning to Sri Lanka, he has taken up the life of a farmer, yet he finds himself grappling with significant financial difficulties. The weight of his past looms heavily over him as he struggles with haunting memories from the two wars he fought. These recollections not only affect his mental well-being but also serve as a constant reminder of the violence and chaos he endured. Despite the challenges he faces in his current life, he has no intention of revisiting the battlefields of Eastern Europe, firmly resolved to leave that chapter behind and seek a more peaceful existence.

Although Sergeant GK's combat journey ended, many former combatants are drawn to the prospect of travelling to either Russia or Ukraine to engage in combat against an abstract adversary with whom they have no personal ties. These individuals are motivated by the potential financial rewards that accompany such perilous endeavours, fully aware of the risks involved in putting their lives on the line for a cause that remains distant and often unclear. This phenomenon raises questions about the allure of conflict and the complex motivations that drive individuals to seek out danger in foreign lands, often in pursuit of monetary gain rather than ideological conviction.

The involvement of Sri Lankan soldiers in the Ukrainian conflict as mercenaries raises significant questions about their motivations and the potential consequences they face. Many of these individuals may be driven by economic hardship, seeking financial stability in a war-torn region where their skills can command higher pay.

However, the ramifications of such decisions are profound and troubling. The likelihood of experiencing psychological trauma is high, as they may encounter the brutal realities of warfare, leading to a dual layer of trauma that could haunt them long after the conflict ends. Furthermore, the grim possibility of death looms large; should they perish in combat, their remains may never be returned to their families, leaving loved ones without closure. In cases where soldiers go missing in action, the absence of reliable authorities to investigate or provide answers exacerbates the anguish for their families, who are left in a state of uncertainty and despair. This complex interplay of motivations and outcomes underscores the precarious nature of mercenary work in such volatile environments.