The Emergence of Child Soldiers in Sri Lanka

 

 

 Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

According to UNICEF (2007), the term child soldier refers to any person under 18 years of age who is recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, conscripting, enlisting, or using children under 15 in hostilities is a war crime.

Paramilitary groups often target children for recruitment for several reasons. Children are more malleable and tend to follow orders without question, as their fear response is less developed than that of adults, leading to a lack of awareness of danger. This fearlessness makes them more susceptible to manipulation and indoctrination, as they may not fully understand moral complexities. Additionally, their smaller size and agility make them ideal candidates for risky roles such as spies, messengers, or porters, further exploiting their vulnerabilities.

The emergence of child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the 1971 uprising orchestrated by Rohana Wijeweera, a prominent Marxist–Leninist political figure and the founder of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). These child soldiers were known as "Ratu Gatav" or the Red Youngsters.  These children committed violent acts in 1971. 

In 1971, numerous child recruits aligned themselves with adult rebels, leading to some committing atrocities. Noteworthy incidents include a young schoolboy, identified as a red youngster, who shot and killed a police officer during the attack on the Kadugannawa police station. Additionally, in the Kegalle district, a 16-year-old child soldier named Jayatissa, a student at Central College in Tholangamuwa, brutally killed a man named Pabilis, who was suspected of being a police informant, using a mamoty.

The Second JVP Insurrection took place from 1988 to 1989, evolving into a protracted "low-intensity" total war over the course of two years. This conflict tragically involved children, who were indoctrinated to participate in destructive activities against government property, engage in looting, and even commit acts of murder. A significant event during this tumultuous period was the assassination of George Ratnayake, a member of the Lanka Teachers' Union, who was fatally stabbed by a schoolboy named Saman Kumara Merusinghe, acting as a child soldier.

During the 30-year armed conflict in Sri Lanka, from 1983 to 2009, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) employed a significant number of child soldiers, incorporating them into nearly all facets of their military operations. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) utilized a combination of systematic forced conscription, psychological indoctrination, and socio-economic pressure to recruit children as young as 11. By 2007, an estimated 6,248 children had been recruited into their ranks (Macfarlane, 2024).

Velupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), strategically recruited child soldiers as part of his broader military agenda during the Sri Lankan civil conflict. This decision was driven by a combination of factors, including the need for a steady influx of fighters to sustain the LTTE's operations and the belief that children could be more easily indoctrinated into the group's ideology. By enlisting minors, Prabhakaran not only bolstered the ranks of his forces but also deprived these young individuals of their right to education, effectively trapping them in a cycle of violence and conflict.

The atrocities committed by child soldiers within the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are deeply troubling and multifaceted. These young individuals, often forcibly recruited or coerced into service, were involved in various violent acts that included armed combat, suicide bombings, and other forms of terrorism. The LTTE utilized these child soldiers not only as combatants but also in support roles, exposing them to extreme violence and psychological trauma. Reports indicate that many of these children were trained to carry out brutal attacks against military and civilian targets. During the peak of the conflict, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) launched assaults on Sinhala villages, killing unarmed civilians. The LTTE employed child soldiers to carry out these hateful acts.

The emergence of child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be attributed to a complex interplay of socio-political factors, particularly during the protracted civil conflict that spanned from 1971 to 2009. The dire socio-economic conditions of conflict-torn regions, coupled with the breakdown of traditional family structures and the pervasive violence, created an environment where children were vulnerable to recruitment. The ideological indoctrination and the promise of belonging to a cause provided a compelling narrative for many youths, who were often drawn into the conflict as a means of asserting identity and agency in a landscape marked by chaos and uncertainty. The normalization of violence and the militarization of society further entrenched the phenomenon, leading to a tragic cycle where children were not only recruited but also trained and utilized in combat roles, perpetuating the cycle of conflict and suffering in the region.

Somasundaram (2002) identifies that the motivations for children to become involved in armed groups can be divided into push and pull factors. Push factors include traumatic experiences such as witnessing the deaths of family members, the destruction of their homes, forced displacement, economic hardships, political oppression, and various forms of harassment. These elements create a compelling environment that drives children toward joining such groups.

Child soldiers endure profound and often enduring psychological challenges stemming from their repeated exposure to trauma. The prevalence of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) among these individuals is alarmingly high, primarily due to their harrowing experiences in warfare, which include combat, abuse, loss, and coerced violence. As a result, they frequently exhibit symptoms such as flashbacks, anxiety, depression, and various physical manifestations of distress. As indicated by Singh (2004), child soldiers endure a meaningless cycle of fear and violence.

Depression in child soldiers is a highly prevalent condition. Many former child soldiers remain trapped by "dreaded combat memories," suffering from severe depression, adjustment disorders, and somatization. Denov (2022) argues that child soldiers are prone to suffer from moral injury, a form of psychological distress not fully captured by traditional PTSD frameworks.

The use of child soldiers in Sri Lanka has led to profound social repercussions that can endure for many years following the cessation of conflict. This phenomenon has not only inflicted severe personal trauma on the children involved but has also contributed to broader societal challenges, including the erosion of community resilience. The integration of these young individuals into armed groups disrupts familial structures and social networks, leading to a breakdown in trust and cohesion within communities. As these children return to civilian life, they often face stigmatization and isolation, which further complicates their reintegration and hinders collective healing processes. The long-term effects manifest in various forms, such as increased violence, mental health issues, and a diminished capacity for social cooperation, ultimately stunting the community's ability to recover and thrive in the aftermath of conflict.

Addressing the psychological wounds of former child soldiers in Sri Lanka requires a multifaceted approach that encompasses trauma-informed care, community reintegration, and ongoing support systems. First and foremost, it is essential to provide specialized psychological counselling that acknowledges the unique experiences of these individuals, including exposure to violence, loss, and displacement. Therapeutic interventions should be tailored to meet the specific needs of each child, utilizing evidence-based practices such as cognitive-behavioural therapy and art therapy, which can facilitate emotional expression and healing. Additionally, community engagement plays a crucial role in the reintegration process; fostering a supportive environment where former child soldiers can reconnect with their families and peers is vital for rebuilding trust and a sense of belonging. Furthermore, establishing educational and vocational training programs can empower these young individuals, equipping them with skills that promote self-sufficiency and resilience. Finally, ongoing support from mental health professionals, social workers, and community leaders is necessary to ensure that these children continue to receive the care they need as they navigate the complexities of their recovery journey. By implementing a comprehensive strategy that addresses both psychological and social dimensions, Sri Lanka can pave the way for the healing and reintegration of former child soldiers into society.

  

References

Denov M. Encountering children and child soldiers during military deployments: the impact and implications for moral injury. Eur J Psychotraumatol. 2022 Aug 11;13(2):2104007. doi: 10.1080/20008066.2022.2104007. PMID: 35979504; PMCID: PMC9377244.

Macfarlane, K (2024). Protection gaps: child soldier rehabilitation and militarized governance in Sri Lanka Open Access International Affairs, Volume 100, Issue 3, May 2024, Pages 1131–1147,

Singh S. Post-traumatic stress in former Ugandan child soldiers. Lancet. 2004 May 15;363(9421):1648. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(04)16217-X. PMID: 15145645.

Somasundaram D. Child soldiers: understanding the context. BMJ. 2002 May 25;324(7348):1268-71. doi: 10.1136/bmj.324.7348.1268. PMID: 12028985; PMCID: PMC1123221.

UNICEF. (2007). The Paris Principles: Principles and guidelines on children associated with armed forces or armed groups. www.unicef.orgA