Child Sexual Abuse within Religious Institutions

 

 Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge  

Child sexual abuse has become an urgent concern, with a troubling number of children subjected to physical and sexual abuse within religious institutions. In recent decades, reports of such misconduct have emerged across various faiths, including Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Buddhism. Often, those in leadership roles within these organizations have either hidden the incidents or used their authority to impede investigations, allowing the perpetrators to get away.

The Ill Effects of Child Sexual Abuse

Child abuse, particularly in the form of sexual abuse, has profound and far-reaching consequences not only for the individual victims but also for society as a whole. Victims of such abuse often endure severe psychological trauma, which can manifest in various ways, including anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder. These mental health issues can hinder their ability to form healthy relationships, pursue education, and maintain stable employment in adulthood, perpetuating a cycle of disadvantage. Furthermore, the societal implications are equally alarming; communities may face increased healthcare costs, a rise in crime rates, drug abuse, self-harm and a strain on social services as they attempt to support affected individuals.

 

The Vatican’s Handling of Child Sexual Abuse Cases

The Vatican's handling of child sexual abuse allegations has been a subject of intense scrutiny and controversy over the years. Numerous reports have emerged detailing how the Church has often prioritized its reputation and institutional integrity over the welfare of victims. Investigations have revealed a pattern of cover-ups, where clergy members accused of abuse were frequently reassigned to different parishes rather than facing legal consequences. This practice not only allowed perpetrators to continue their predatory behaviour but also left countless victims without justice or support. The Vatican's response to these allegations has often been criticized as insufficient, with many calling for greater transparency and accountability within the Church.

 

The Revelation by NBC News

An extensive investigation by NBC News has revealed a disturbing 50-year history of sexual abuse, enforced silence, and systematic cover-ups within the Assemblies of God, the largest Pentecostal denomination globally. This inquiry has led to allegations against nearly 200 pastors and church leaders, who are accused of perpetrating abuse against more than 475 victims, with a significant number being children. Alarmingly, in numerous instances, church authorities were aware of the abusive behavior yet chose to transfer these individuals to new roles of authority, thereby facilitating the continuation of such heinous acts.

  

Child Sexual Abuse by Pastor Robert Morris

The prominent child sexual abuse case involving Robert Morris, the founding pastor of Gateway Church in Southlake, Texas, has unveiled a troubling history of institutional cover-up within one of the largest megachurches in the United States. The abuse began on Christmas night in 1982 when a 21-year-old Morris, then a traveling evangelist, exploited 12-year-old Cindy Clemishire while staying with her family in Hominy, Oklahoma. Over the next four years, Morris groomed and manipulated Clemishire, who eventually disclosed the abuse to her parents and church leaders at the age of 17 in 1987. Unfortunately, the church opted for internal handling of the situation, allowing Morris to return to ministry after brief periods of "restoration" without involving law enforcement. It wasn't until June 2024 that Clemishire publicly shared her story through an independent religious watchdog report, prompting Morris's resignation from Gateway Church.  Following a thorough investigation by the Oklahoma Attorney General's Office, Morris was indicted by a grand jury and, on October 2, 2025, pleaded guilty to five felony counts of lewd or indecent acts with a child. As part of a plea agreement, he received a 10-year suspended sentence and was taken into custody immediately after the hearing.

  

Kumbakonam Hindu Kovil Child Sexual Abuse Case

In recent years, there have been troubling reports of child sexual abuse incidents occurring within Hindu temples, with a particularly notable case emerging in 2026 in Kumbakonam, Tamil Nadu. A 75-year-old temple priest, Viswanatha Iyer, was arrested under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act for allegedly sexually assaulting a 13-year-old girl inside a temple in Thiruvalanchuzhi. The incident reportedly took place when the girl visited the temple with her family for darshan and later approached the offertory box alone, where the priest is said to have misbehaved with her. Following a thorough investigation, police confirmed the validity of the allegations, leading to the priest's arrest under the appropriate legal provisions.

  

The Death of 13-year-old Student- M.S. Musab

The Sainthamaruthu Madrasa Case, which unfolded in the Ampara District, centers around the tragic death of a 13-year-old student, M.S. Musab, whose body was discovered in the washroom of a private Madrasa with hostel facilities. Initially reported as a suicide by the school, the situation escalated when local residents, driven by deep suspicion, conducted a raid on the premises. A judicial medical examination later determined that Musab had died from strangulation and respiratory distress, leading to a murder investigation. The Principal, known as Moulavi, was subsequently arrested following allegations of a troubling history of complaints against him.

  

Pahalagama Somaratana Case

Pahalagama Somaratana Thera, a well-known Buddhist monk from Sri Lanka, was convicted in the United Kingdom for sexually abusing a young girl. In May 2012, the Isleworth Crown Court in London found him guilty of four counts of indecent assault, although he was acquitted of a separate charge of rape. The court sentenced him to seven years in prison and required him to register as a sex offender for life, barring him from working with children. Despite this, Somaratana has returned to Sri Lanka, where he operates a temple and a Sunday school for children, while local authorities appear to overlook his status as a registered sex offender.

 

Naotunne Vijitha

Naotunne Vijitha, a prominent Sri Lankan Buddhist monk, was convicted by an Australian jury for multiple historical offenses of child sexual abuse. He arrived in Australia in 1994 to lead the Dhamma Sarana Buddhist Temple in Melbourne, which was established by the local Sri Lankan community and included a significant Sunday school program for children. The abuse occurred over eight years from 1994 to 2002, initially at the temple's original location in Springvale and later at a new facility in Keysborough. Six young female victims, aged between 4 and 12 at the time, testified that Vijitha exploited his spiritual authority to manipulate them, using sweets to lure them into private areas where the abuse took place. Following years of silence, the victims reported their experiences to Victoria Police, resulting in Vijitha's arrest in August 2023. On October 30, 2025, the jury found him guilty of the charges.

The Case of Pallegama Hemarathna

The case of Pallegama Hemarathna revolves around the arrest and prosecution of the 71-year-old Chief Prelate of the Atamastana, who faces serious allegations of sexually abusing a 15-year-old minor. The investigation began when the National Child Protection Authority and the Nittambuwa Police uncovered the alleged abuse while looking into a separate complaint about the minor's abduction on March 6, 2026. During this inquiry, the victim disclosed a troubling pattern of sexual abuse involving the chief monk. On May 8, 2026, the Anuradhapura Chief Magistrate's Court ordered the immediate arrest of both the monk and the girl's mother. On May 22, 2026, he was granted bail by the Anuradhapura Chief Magistrate's Court, with conditions that included a cash bail of Rs. 100,000, two sureties of Rs. 5 million each, and a strict prohibition on foreign travel.

 

The Anatomy of Abuse

The troubling issue of sexual abuse of children by clergy across various faiths raises profound questions about the underlying factors that contribute to such heinous acts. One significant aspect is the power dynamics inherent in religious institutions, where clergy often hold positions of authority and trust, creating an environment that can be exploited. This power can lead to a sense of entitlement, where individuals may believe they are above accountability. Additionally, the culture of silence and secrecy that often pervades religious organizations can further enable such behaviour, as victims may feel discouraged from coming forward due to fear of retribution or disbelief. Furthermore, inadequate oversight and a lack of robust safeguarding measures can leave vulnerable individuals unprotected.

 

The Urgent Need for Child Safeguarding in Religious Organizations  

The pressing necessity for child safeguarding within religious organizations cannot be overstated, as these institutions often serve as pivotal community hubs where trust and vulnerability intersect. To effectively protect children, it is essential for these organizations to implement comprehensive protective measures that encompass a range of strategies. This includes establishing clear policies that define acceptable behavior and outline procedures for reporting and addressing allegations of abuse. Training programs for staff and volunteers are crucial, ensuring that all individuals working with children are equipped with the knowledge to recognize and respond to potential risks. Additionally, creating a culture of transparency and accountability is vital; this can be achieved by involving parents and community members in safeguarding initiatives and maintaining open lines of communication. Regular audits and assessments of safeguarding practices can further enhance the effectiveness of these measures, ensuring that they evolve in response to emerging challenges. Ultimately, a robust safeguarding framework not only protects children but also reinforces the integrity and trustworthiness of religious organizations in the eyes of their communities.  

 

 

Tracing the Evolution of Child Soldiering in Sri Lanka since 1971

 

 

Professor Harendra de Silva & Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge

Since the JVP uprising in 1971, Sri Lanka has faced the alarming issue of child soldiers, a situation that escalated notably during the 1988-1989 revolt. These young recruits, referred to as the "Rathu Gatv" or "Red Juveniles," were employed in various roles, including intelligence gathering, transporting explosives, committing arson, and, in some instances, executing civilians (Jayatunge, 2011). The children were exposed to the brutal realities of violence and loss, with reports indicating that over 10,000 were recruited by the JVP during the 1988/89 period of unrest. Tragically, around 2,300 school children are estimated to have lost their lives amidst the chaos of the insurgency (Wickramarathna, 2019).   

Reports reveal that numerous child soldiers associated with the JVP during the uprisings of 1971 and 1988 were exposed to horrific events. Many of these young individuals were involved in violent acts, including murder, robbery, arson targeting buses and government buildings, as well as the destruction of transformers and the organization of school strikes. Those apprehended by security forces often faced severe torture and intense interrogation. 

In Embilipitiya, situated in the Ratnapura District of Sabaragamuwa Province in Sri Lanka, a group of schoolchildren went missing amid suspicions of their involvement in anti-government activities, such as orchestrating protests, setting fire to the local paper mill, and the murder of a Grama Niladari, or village officer.

In 1971, child soldiers involved in the uprising were placed in rehabilitation camps, yet these facilities lacked effective treatment systems and rehabilitation programs. Similarly, those who were detained in 1988/89 faced inadequate rehabilitation efforts, as mental health specialists were not present to provide necessary support. Reports from that time indicate that arrested child soldiers in both 1971 and 1988/89 experienced sexual abuse at the hands of prison guards, older inmates, and occasionally security personnel (Munasinghe, 2012). Many of these former child soldiers continue to grapple with their traumatic experiences, often remaining politically disengaged and attempting to conceal their painful reminiscences.

The situation escalated dramatically and alarmingly when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) initiated the recruitment of child soldiers, a move that sparked widespread outrage from international human rights organizations. This abhorrent practice involved not only the use of aggressive propaganda to lure children into their ranks but also the forcible abduction of minors, which further highlighted the LTTE's disregard for human rights and the welfare of children.

The organized and systematic recruitment of child soldiers saw a marked increase after 1987. Following this period, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) began enlisting children for combat roles, and by the 1990s, these young recruits constituted a substantial part of their military strength. Reports from that time indicated that between 40% and 60% of those killed in combat were minors (Human Rights Watch, 2004). Despite the LTTE's commitment to cease the recruitment of underage individuals in 2003, the practice persisted until 2009, with a significant rise in the number of child soldiers noted during the final phases of the civil conflict (Human Rights Watch 2008).

UNICEF has consistently highlighted the LTTE's failure to fulfill several high-level commitments aimed at ceasing the recruitment of children. In 2004, the organization reported that the LTTE had enlisted 709 children in 2003, often while releasing smaller numbers to create a façade of compliance with international standards. Between 2002 and 2007, UNICEF documented approximately 6,903 cases of child recruitment attributed to the LTTE (UN News,2004). 

The LTTE employed ruthless methods to enlist child soldiers, frequently abducting them from their families or schools. Throughout the indoctrination process, placards, billboards, and monuments dedicated to martyrs were erected in various locations. In Kittu Memorial Children's Park, the see-saws were equipped with AK-47 replicas, allowing children to engage in simulated combat with one another.   Initially, children were recruited into the "Baby Brigade". By the 1990s, they were no longer just scouts or sentries but were integrated into combat roles. The LTTE exploited child soldiers to carry out attacks on Sinhala civilians in vulnerable villages, assault Army camps, and gather intelligence.  Children as young as 10 were reportedly used as assassins and suicide bombers by the LTTE (Amnesty International,2004).  

These children came from impoverished, vulnerable, and marginalized communities, particularly those identified as lower castes. A significant number hailed from the Eastern province, Wanni, and Mannar, areas characterized by economic hardship and social exclusion. One tactic employed to recruit children was the deliberate obstruction of their access to education, which fostered a sense of insecurity about their future.

After the defeat of the LTTE in May 2009, 594 child soldiers, comprising 364 males and 230 females, surrendered to the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. Additionally, evaluations of LTTE combat fatalities during the 1990s indicated that between 40% and 60% of those killed in action were children under 18 years old (Human Rights Watch,2004).

The involvement of Sri Lankan child soldiers perpetuated a cycle of violence and trauma, as these young individuals were thrust into the harsh realities of war. Stripped of their childhood, they faced severe psychological and physical harm, enduring experiences that would leave lasting scars on their lives.

Socio-economic deprivation, characterized by poverty and limited access to education or vocational training, often led children to view joining militant groups as a viable escape from a dismal future. Additionally, many were driven by a desire for revenge after experiencing or witnessing abuses such as torture, unlawful detention, or the loss of family members at the hands of security forces. The allure of status and perceived glamour associated with militant life, fueled by propagandized events and public displays of military might, further attracted young individuals seeking recognition and heroism. 

Understanding the recruitment strategies employed by the JVP and the LTTE for enlisting children in their armed conflicts is crucial. These organizations utilized various methods to attract young individuals, often exploiting socio-economic vulnerabilities and political unrest. By appealing to a sense of identity, belonging, and purpose, they drew children into their ranks, significantly shaping the dynamics of their respective struggles. Both groups targeted children, often luring them with promises of adventure, belonging, and a sense of purpose in a society marked by turmoil.

The JVP primarily recruited school children who felt marginalized by the existing social hierarchy and faced limited economic prospects. In contrast, the LTTE focused on impoverished, low-caste Tamil families in the Northern and Eastern regions, highlighting the disparity where children from affluent backgrounds were often exempt from the front lines, leaving the underprivileged to bear the brunt of the conflict. The LTTE employed an advanced propaganda strategy, utilizing videos, school speeches, and public exhibitions of military artifacts to romanticize martyrdom and foster a "cult of heroes." Both organizations sought to sever the ties between young individuals and their traditional family structures, undermining parental authority in the process.

The indoctrination of child soldiers by the JVP and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) involved a systematic process that exploited the vulnerabilities of youth in conflict-ridden environments. Once recruited, these young individuals underwent rigorous training that not only focused on military tactics but also included intense ideological conditioning. This indoctrination process was designed to instill a sense of loyalty and commitment to the cause, often using propaganda that painted the enemy as a dehumanized other. Psychological manipulation played a crucial role, as children were frequently exposed to violence and were made to witness or participate in brutal acts, which desensitized them to the horrors of the armed conflict.

The psychological effects of being a child soldier are profound and multifaceted, often leading to long-lasting trauma that can persist well into adulthood (Betancourt et al., 2010).  These young individuals are frequently exposed to extreme violence and forced to commit acts that are contrary to their moral beliefs, which can result in severe guilt, shame, and a distorted sense of self. The loss of childhood innocence is compounded by the disruption of familial and social bonds, as many child soldiers are separated from their families and communities, leading to feelings of isolation and abandonment. Additionally, the experience of combat and the constant threat of death can instill deep-seated anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), manifesting in flashbacks, nightmares, and hyper-vigilance (Wessells, 2006). 

The stigma associated with being a former child soldier can further alienate these individuals from society, making reintegration into their communities challenging and often exacerbating feelings of worthlessness and despair. Overall, the psychological impact of being a child soldier is a complex interplay of trauma, identity crisis, and social disconnection, necessitating comprehensive mental health support and rehabilitation to facilitate healing and reintegration (Sivarajah, 2021). 

The recruitment of children into armed conflicts represents a grave violation of their rights and constitutes a form of child abuse (de Silva et al., 2001). It undermines their right to education and development, perpetuating cycles of poverty and violence within communities. This practice preys on the innocence and vulnerability of young individuals, exposing them to severe violence and psychological trauma. By stripping away their childhood, these children are thrust into a world of conflict, often compelled to engage in acts of violence that they cannot fully understand. De Silva (2001) characterizes child soldiers as victims of adult exploitation and manipulation, highlighting the urgent need for protective measures through child welfare legislation.

The recruitment of child soldiers represents a profound collective trauma that reverberates through communities and nations, leaving indelible scars on both individuals and society as a whole (Somasundaram, 2002). This phenomenon not only strips children of their innocence and childhood but also disrupts familial structures and social cohesion, as families are torn apart and communities are left to grapple with the aftermath of violence and loss. Moreover, the normalization of violence and militarization within a society can perpetuate cycles of conflict, as these former child soldiers may struggle to reintegrate into civilian life, facing stigma and a lack of support. As a result, the collective trauma extends beyond the immediate victims, affecting future generations and hindering the prospects for peace and reconciliation in war-torn regions.

Rehabilitating child soldiers in Sri Lanka necessitates a thorough and multifaceted strategy that addresses their psychological, social, and educational requirements (Thoradeniya, 2017). Central to this effort is the provision of trauma-informed care that acknowledges the distinct experiences of these children, many of whom have been exposed to or involved in violence. This can be facilitated through counseling and therapeutic initiatives aimed at promoting emotional recovery and resilience. Furthermore, establishing safe and nurturing environments is vital, which involves reintegrating these children into their communities and ensuring they have access to familial support systems. De Silva, H. (2003) emphasizes the importance of a holistic, family-centred approach that prioritizes de-stigmatization, emotional healing, and the accountability of adult recruiters.

Educational initiatives play a vital role in rehabilitation, as they not only equip these children with essential skills for their future but also help restore a sense of normalcy and purpose (Jayatunge & Somasundaram, 2014). Vocational training programs can further empower them by providing practical skills that enhance their employability. Collaboration with local communities, non-governmental organizations, and government agencies is necessary to create a sustainable framework for rehabilitation, ensuring that these children are not only reintegrated but also supported in their journey towards a peaceful and productive life.

The rehabilitation of child soldiers in Sri Lanka holds significant importance for both the individuals involved and the broader society. These children, often forcibly recruited into armed conflict, endure profound psychological and physical trauma that can hinder their development and reintegration into civilian life. Effective rehabilitation programs are essential to address their unique needs, providing them with psychological support, education, and vocational training. By facilitating their healing and reintegration, society not only aids in restoring the lives of these young individuals but also contributes to long-term peace and stability in the region. Furthermore, successful rehabilitation can help break the cycle of violence, as these children, once rehabilitated, can become advocates for peace and reconciliation, fostering a more harmonious community. Thus, the importance of rehabilitating child soldiers extends beyond individual recovery; it is a crucial step towards building a more resilient and peaceful society in Sri Lanka.

   

References

Amnesty International. (2004, July 6). Sri Lanka: Tamil Tigers beating up families to recruit child soldiers [Press release]. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa37/002/2004/en/

Betancourt, T. S., Brennan, R. T., Rubin-Vaughan, J., Brugher, J., & Gilman, S. E. (2010). Traumatic experiences and mental health in former child soldiers: A longitudinal study in Sierra Leone. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 49(6), 606–615. doi.org

de Silva, H., Hobbs, C., & Hanks, H. (2001). Conscription of children in armed conflict—a form of child abuse. A study of 19 former child soldiers. Child Abuse Review, 10(2), 125–134. doi.org

De Silva, D. G. H. (2001). Children: The new face of terrorism [Conference presentation]. 24th International Congress of Paediatrics, Beijing, China.

De Silva, H. (2003). Power games in war and peace: The tragic impact of corruption, violence, and impunity on the Sri Lankan child.

De Silva, D. G. H. (2013). The use of child soldiers in war with special reference to Sri Lanka. Pediatrics and International Child Health, 33(4), 273–280. https://doi.org/10.1179/2046905513Y.0000000095

Human Rights Watch. (2004, November 10). Living in fear: Child soldiers and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka. https://www.hrw.org/report/2004/11/10/living-fear/child-soldiers-and-tamil-tigers-sri-lanka

Human Rights Watch. (2008, December 3). Trapped and mistreated: LTTE abuses against civilians in the Vanni. hrw.org

Jayatunge, R. M. (2011). 71 Uprising. Agahas Publishers.

Jayatunge, R. M., & Somasundaram, D. (2014). Child soldiers. In S. O. Okpaku (Ed.), Essentials of Global Mental Health (pp. 245–253). Cambridge University Press. doi.org

Ministry of Defence - Sri Lanka. (2020, May 17). Sri Lanka's victory: LTTE turned children into child soldiers but Sri Lanka turned child soldiers into global citizens. https://www.defence.lk/Article/view_article/1546

Munasinghe, R. (2012). Eliyakanda torture camp (K. Point) (B. M. Jayatilaka, Trans.). Mary Martin Booksellers.

ReliefWeb. (2010, November 10). Sri Lanka: Former child soldiers struggle for a normal life. https://reliefweb.int/report/sri-lanka/sri-lanka-former-child-soldiers-struggle-normal-life

Sivarajah, N. (2021). The reintegration of child soldiers in Nepal and Sri Lanka [Doctoral dissertation, Australian National University]. ANU Open Research Repository. doi.org

Somasundaram, D. (2002). Child soldiers: Understanding the context. BMJ, 324(7348), 1268–1271. doi.org

Thoradeniya, K. (2017). War-affected children and psycho-social rehabilitation. Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences, 40(1), 17–28. doi.org

UN News. (2004, January 22). UNICEF urges Tamil Tigers to stop recruiting child soldiers in Sri Lanka. https://news.un.org/en/story/2004/01/91882

Wessells, M. G. (2006). Child soldiers: From violence to protection. Harvard University Press.

Wickramarathna, D. (2019).  Satanin-Satana. Sooriya Publishers. Sri Lanka

දහම් පාසලේදී

මම 1 වසරේ ඉඳන් දහම් පාසල් ගිය කෙනෙක්. ගියේ ලංකාවේ තිබ්බ හොඳම දහම් පාසල වූ කොලඹ වජිරාරාමයට. මාත් එක්ක දහම් පාසලේ ප්‍රාථමික පන්ති වල සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මෙන්ම පාරින්ද රණසිංහත් හිටියා. ඒ වගේම වැල්ලවත්ත පැත්තේ වතු වලින් ආපු කොල්ලෝ වගයකුත් හිටියා. මම මුලින්ම කුනුහරප කවියක් ඉගන ගත්තෙ 2 හෝ 3 වසරේදී දහම් පාසලේදී

වැල්ලවත්ත පැත්තේ වත්තකින් ආපු එකෙක් හිටියා. ඌ මගේ කනට කරලා කුනුහරප කවියක් ඉගැන්නුවා.  ඒ කාලේ ඒ කවිය එකපාරටම තේරුම් ගියේ නෑ. ඌ ඉගැන්නුවේ මේක

බුද්ධං සරණීන් පැදුර එලාගෙන
ධම්මං සරණීන් කුප්පි නිවාගෙන
සංඝං සරණීන් එකට බදාගෙන
මේ තුන් සරණින් හිලට ඔබාගෙන 

දහම් පාසලේදී බොහෝ ගුරුවරු අපිට බුදු දහම කියලා කියා දුන්නේ බොහෝ හිතළු මිත්‍යා කතා ( සිදුහත් බිලිඳා නෙලුම් මල් උඩ ඇවිදගෙන යාම , ඉපදුන ගමන් කතා කිරීම වගේ දේවල්) තවත් වයසක ගුරුවරියක් හිටියා , ඇය බම්බලපිටියේ ජයගිරි ව්‍යාපාරයට ඥාතීත්වයක් තිබ්බා. ඇය  අපිට කිව්වේ මේවා ගැන සැක කරන්න එපා පව් සිදු වෙනවා කියලා. පසු කාලයක මට තේරුනා මේ ගුරුවරිය කාලාම සූත්‍රය ගැන අහලවත් නෑ කියලා. 

අපිට දුන්නේ ගාථා පාඩම් කර ගන්න. අපි පැය ගනන් ගාථා සහ සූත්‍ර කට පාඩම් කලා . තේරුමක් දන්නේ නැතිව ගිරව් වගේ ඒවා රිපීට් කලා.  දහම් පාසලේදී   බුද්ධි කලම්බනයක් කරපු ගුරුවරු නැති තරම් . කියන තරමක් කිව්වේ සහ ඉගැන්නුවේ අපාය දිව්‍ය ලෝකය කතා. භාවනා කරන විනාඩි 10 තුල කොන්ද කෙලින් තිබ්බේ නැත්නම් කල්දේරා කියන ගුරුවරයා පිටට චටාස් ගාලා පහරක් දෙනවා. එතකොට අපි කොන්සන්ට්‍රේට් කලේ හුස්ම ඉහල පහල දාන ආනාපානා සති භාවනාවට නෙවෙයි  කල්දේරා පහරක් දෙයිද කියන එකට. 

සරත් සර් කියලා කෙනෙක් හිටියා අභිධර්මය උගන්වනවා කියලා " අභිධර්ම චන්ඳිරිකාව " කියන පොත අපිට කියෙව්වා අපි ඔහේ ලියා ගත්තා. අපි කලේ අර මුද්‍රිත පොතක් යලි පිටපත් කරන එක. එවා තේරුම් කරලා දෙන්න ඔහුටවත් දැණුමක් තිබ්බේ නෑ.. 

තව ගුරුවරයෙක් හිටියා සති පතා පින් පොත චෙක් කරනවා. පින් 5 හෝ ලියලා තිබ්බේ නැති සිසුන්ව  ඔහු හිටවලා තියනවා. මේ නිසා අපි කලේ ඉරිදා උදේ ආපු ගමන් පින් පොත  මතක් වෙලා පින් පොතේ බොරු ලියන එක . ස්ටෑන්ඩඩ් බොරු තිබ්බා 1 ) මම මවට වැන්දෙමි. 2 ) මම පියාට වැන්දෙමි . 3) හිඟන්නෙක්ට සත 50 දුන්නෙමි. 4) වතුරට වැටුනු කූඹියෙක්ව බේරා ගත්තෙමි 5)  මම ගුරුවරුන්ට කීකරු වුනෙමි. මේ බොරු ලියලා හිටවලා තියන දඞුවමින් බේරුනා. 

තවත් දහම් පාසලේ ගුරුවරයෙකු අපිට කිව්වා දෙමළ මිනිසුන් අපිරිසිදුයි. කාපු කෙහෙල් ලෙල්ලත් ගේ දොරකොඩට විසි කරනවා කියලා. පසු කාලයක මට එංගලන්තයේ , ඇමරිකාවේ හමු වූ දෙමළ මිනිසුන් අතිශයින්ම පිරිසිදු මිනිසුන්. ඉතින් මම අර දහම් පාසල් ගුරුවරයා කියපු කතාව ඇනලයිස් කලා. ඔහු දහම් පාසල් ගුරුවරයෙකු වූවත් වෘත්තියෙන් සන්නාලියෙක්. හිටියේ වත්තක​. ඔහු අවට හිටියේ කසල සුද්ධ කරන පීඩිත ද්‍රවිඩයන්. තමන් ගේ අසල් වැසියන් ආශ්‍රයෙන් තමයි ඔහු මේ නිගමනයට ඇවිල්ලා තිබ්බේ.  

මම හිතන්නේ දහම් පාසලෙන් අපේ තාර්කික බුද්ධිය කඩලා දැම්මා. නමුත් නාරද හාමුදුරුවන් වරින් වර විදෙස් උගතුන් ගෙන්වලා ඔවුන් ගේ කතා අපිට අහන්න සැලසුවා. ඉන්දියානු යෝගීන් , ඇමරිකානු මිෂනාරීවරුන් ,  බුදු දහමට නැඹුරු වූ යුරෝපීයන් මේ අතර හිටියා. ඔවුන් ගේ කතා නිසා යම් ආකාරයක බුද්ධි කලම්බනයක් ලෝකය දෙස වෙනත් ඇසකින් බලන්න අප යොමු උනා. ලංකාව කියන තිතට වඩා ලොකු ලෝකයක් එපිටින් තියන බව තේරුම් ගියා ඒක තමයි දහම් පාසලින් ලද ධනාත්මක දේ.

A Southern Doctor’s Journey into the Vanni

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge 

In 2002, I had the unique experience of treating several members of the LTTE in the Mulangavil region of Kilinochchi, facilitated by a clinic organized by a collective of doctors from the southern part of Sri Lanka. Accompanying this group, I visited the North, where I encountered a diverse array of patients, including both civilians and LTTE personnel in need of medical care. 

While attending to patients, our interpreter approached me to inform me that several members of the LTTE were seeking medical treatment and asked if I would be able to provide care for them. Guided by the principles of the Hippocratic oath that I had taken in 1993, I felt a profound obligation to extend my medical assistance to all, irrespective of their affiliations. Therefore, I agreed to see these patients. 

A twenty-eight-year-old member of the LTTE approached me with a gunshot wound to his leg, which he had sustained during an attack on the Elephant Pass camp. After a comprehensive examination, I diagnosed him with osteomyelitis and prescribed expensive German antibiotics. I then referred him to Jaffna Hospital for further treatment.

Another patient presented with an allergic reaction after consuming prawns, for whom I provided the necessary medication. After receiving care, the LTTE members expressed their heartfelt gratitude before leaving, and we engaged in a conversation about the ongoing conflict and the temporary ceasefire that had been established between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. It became evident to me that they were weary of the protracted war and hopeful for a lasting peace. 

Years later, in 2005, while on night duty at the Military Hospital Colombo, I treated a former LTTE cadre who had transitioned to the Sri Lankan Army. He presented with a chronic wound resulting from a gunshot injury and recounted his experiences during his time with the LTTE, detailing his eventual defection and enlistment in the army. Listening to his narrative illuminated the intricate and multifaceted nature of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, revealing its profound impact on the lives of those in Northern Sri Lanka. 

මේජර් ජෙනරාල් සීවලී වනිගසේකර

මේජර් ජෙනරාල් සීවලී වනිගසේකර    කියන්නේ ඊලාම් යුද්ධයේදී තමන්  ගේ භූමිකාව වෙනුවෙන් නිසි ගරුත්වය නොලද නිලධාරියෙක්.  2000 දී යාපයෙන් සොල්දාදුවන් ඉවත් කරන්න හදන විට ඔහු යාම ප්‍රතික්ශේප කරලා සතුරාට මුහුණ දෙන්න ඉදිරිපත් වෙනවා. එසේම ප්‍රභාකරන් ගේ නොනවතින රැල්ල මර්ධනය කරන්න ඔහු ලොකු දායකත්වයක් දුන්නා. ඔහුගේ කාර්‍යභාරය මලිත් ජයතිලක ගේ අලිමංකඩ පොතේ තියනවා.  හමුදා ඉතිහාසයේ  බ්‍රිගේඩියර් වරයෙක් ලෙස ඔහු සේනාංක තුනකට එකවර අණ  දුන්නා    මේජර් ජෙනරාල් සීවලී වනිගසේකර   එතරම් ජනප්‍රිය චරිතයක් උනේ නෑ. මට කීප වතාවක් හමු වෙලා තියනවා. මාත් එක්ක හොඳයි. නමුත් අපේ සමහර නිලධාරීන් ඔහුට කිව්වේ හරමානිස් කියලා. ජෙනරාල් සරත් ෆොන්සේකා සමග මුහුණට මුහුණ ගේම ඉල්ලපු මා දන්න චරිත තුන අතරින් එක් අයෙක්.  මේජර් ජෙනරාල් සීවලී වනිගසේකර. ජෙනරාල් සරත් ෆොන්සේකා රාජපක්‍ෂවරුන් සමග මිත්‍ර කාලයේ විශ්‍රාම ගිය  මේජර් ජෙනරාල් සීවලී වනිගසේකර    ගේ විශ්‍රාම වැටුපත් නවත්වා තිබුනා.   කෘත ගුණ නොදත් ජාතියක් වෙනුවෙන් සටන් කල ඔහු ඔහු තමන් ගේ කාර්‍යභාරය කොට නිහඞව විශ්‍රාම ගියා.