Professor Harendra de Silva & Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge
Since the JVP uprising in 1971, Sri Lanka has faced the alarming issue of child soldiers, a situation that escalated notably during the 1988-1989 revolt. These young recruits, referred to as the "Rathu Gatv" or "Red Youth," were employed in various roles, including intelligence gathering, transporting explosives, committing arson, and, in some instances, executing civilians (Jayatunge, 2011). The children were exposed to the brutal realities of violence and loss, with reports indicating that over 10,000 were recruited by the JVP during the 1988/89 period of unrest. Tragically, around 2,300 school children are estimated to have lost their lives amidst the chaos of the insurgency (Wickramarathna, 2019).
Reports reveal that numerous child soldiers associated with the JVP during the uprisings of 1971 and 1988 were exposed to horrific events. Many of these young individuals were involved in violent acts, including murder, robbery, arson targeting buses and government buildings, as well as the destruction of transformers and the organization of school strikes. Those apprehended by security forces often faced severe torture and intense interrogation.
In Embilipitiya, situated in the Ratnapura District of Sabaragamuwa Province in Sri Lanka, a group of schoolchildren went missing amid suspicions of their involvement in anti-government activities, such as orchestrating protests, setting fire to the local paper mill, and the murder of a Grama Niladari, or village officer.
In 1971, child soldiers involved in the uprising were placed in rehabilitation camps, yet these facilities lacked effective treatment systems and rehabilitation programs. Similarly, those who were detained in 1988/89 faced inadequate rehabilitation efforts, as mental health specialists were not present to provide necessary support. Reports from that time indicate that arrested child soldiers in both 1971 and 1988/89 experienced sexual abuse at the hands of prison guards, older inmates, and occasionally security personnel (Munasinghe, 2012). Many of these former child soldiers continue to grapple with their traumatic experiences, often remaining politically disengaged and attempting to conceal their painful reminiscences.
The situation escalated dramatically and alarmingly when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) initiated the recruitment of child soldiers, a move that sparked widespread outrage from international human rights organizations. This abhorrent practice involved not only the use of aggressive propaganda to lure children into their ranks but also the forcible abduction of minors, which further highlighted the LTTE's disregard for human rights and the welfare of children.
The organized and systematic recruitment of child soldiers saw a marked increase after 1987. Following this period, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) began enlisting children for combat roles, and by the 1990s, these young recruits constituted a substantial part of their military strength. Reports from that time indicated that between 40% and 60% of those killed in combat were minors (Human Rights Watch, 2004). Despite the LTTE's commitment to cease the recruitment of underage individuals in 2003, the practice persisted until 2009, with a significant rise in the number of child soldiers noted during the final phases of the civil conflict (Human Rights Watch 2008).
UNICEF has consistently highlighted the LTTE's failure to fulfill several high-level commitments aimed at ceasing the recruitment of children. In 2004, the organization reported that the LTTE had enlisted 709 children in 2003, often while releasing smaller numbers to create a façade of compliance with international standards. Between 2002 and 2007, UNICEF documented approximately 6,903 cases of child recruitment attributed to the LTTE (UN News,2004).
The LTTE employed ruthless methods to enlist child soldiers, frequently abducting them from their families or schools. Throughout the indoctrination process, placards, billboards, and monuments dedicated to martyrs were erected in various locations. In Kittu Memorial Children's Park, the see-saws were equipped with AK-47 replicas, allowing children to engage in simulated combat with one another. Initially, children were recruited into the "Baby Brigade". By the 1990s, they were no longer just scouts or sentries but were integrated into combat roles. The LTTE exploited child soldiers to carry out attacks on Sinhala civilians in vulnerable villages, assault Army camps, and gather intelligence. Children as young as 10 were reportedly used as assassins and suicide bombers by the LTTE (Amnesty International,2004).
These children came from impoverished, vulnerable, and marginalized communities, particularly those identified as lower castes. A significant number hailed from the Eastern province, Wanni, and Mannar, areas characterized by economic hardship and social exclusion. One tactic employed to recruit children was the deliberate obstruction of their access to education, which fostered a sense of insecurity about their future.
After the defeat of the LTTE in May 2009, 594 child soldiers, comprising 364 males and 230 females, surrendered to the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. Additionally, evaluations of LTTE combat fatalities during the 1990s indicated that between 40% and 60% of those killed in action were children under 18 years old (Human Rights Watch,2004).
The involvement of Sri Lankan child soldiers perpetuated a cycle of violence and trauma, as these young individuals were thrust into the harsh realities of war. Stripped of their childhood, they faced severe psychological and physical harm, enduring experiences that would leave lasting scars on their lives.
Socio-economic deprivation, characterized by poverty and limited access to education or vocational training, often led children to view joining militant groups as a viable escape from a dismal future. Additionally, many were driven by a desire for revenge after experiencing or witnessing abuses such as torture, unlawful detention, or the loss of family members at the hands of security forces. The allure of status and perceived glamour associated with militant life, fueled by propagandized events and public displays of military might, further attracted young individuals seeking recognition and heroism.
Understanding the recruitment strategies employed by the JVP and the LTTE for enlisting children in their armed conflicts is crucial. These organizations utilized various methods to attract young individuals, often exploiting socio-economic vulnerabilities and political unrest. By appealing to a sense of identity, belonging, and purpose, they drew children into their ranks, significantly shaping the dynamics of their respective struggles. Both groups targeted children, often luring them with promises of adventure, belonging, and a sense of purpose in a society marked by turmoil.
The JVP primarily recruited school children who felt marginalized by the existing social hierarchy and faced limited economic prospects. In contrast, the LTTE focused on impoverished, low-caste Tamil families in the Northern and Eastern regions, highlighting the disparity where children from affluent backgrounds were often exempt from the front lines, leaving the underprivileged to bear the brunt of the conflict. The LTTE employed an advanced propaganda strategy, utilizing videos, school speeches, and public exhibitions of military artifacts to romanticize martyrdom and foster a "cult of heroes." Both organizations sought to sever the ties between young individuals and their traditional family structures, undermining parental authority in the process.
The indoctrination of child soldiers by the JVP and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) involved a systematic process that exploited the vulnerabilities of youth in conflict-ridden environments. Once recruited, these young individuals underwent rigorous training that not only focused on military tactics but also included intense ideological conditioning. This indoctrination process was designed to instill a sense of loyalty and commitment to the cause, often using propaganda that painted the enemy as a dehumanized other. Psychological manipulation played a crucial role, as children were frequently exposed to violence and were made to witness or participate in brutal acts, which desensitized them to the horrors of the armed conflict.
The psychological effects of being a child soldier are profound and multifaceted, often leading to long-lasting trauma that can persist well into adulthood (Betancourt et al., 2010). These young individuals are frequently exposed to extreme violence and forced to commit acts that are contrary to their moral beliefs, which can result in severe guilt, shame, and a distorted sense of self. The loss of childhood innocence is compounded by the disruption of familial and social bonds, as many child soldiers are separated from their families and communities, leading to feelings of isolation and abandonment. Additionally, the experience of combat and the constant threat of death can instill deep-seated anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), manifesting in flashbacks, nightmares, and hyper-vigilance (Wessells, 2006).
The stigma associated with being a former child soldier can further alienate these individuals from society, making reintegration into their communities challenging and often exacerbating feelings of worthlessness and despair. Overall, the psychological impact of being a child soldier is a complex interplay of trauma, identity crisis, and social disconnection, necessitating comprehensive mental health support and rehabilitation to facilitate healing and reintegration (Sivarajah, 2021).
The recruitment of children into armed conflicts represents a grave violation of their rights and constitutes a form of child abuse (de Silva et al., 2001). It undermines their right to education and development, perpetuating cycles of poverty and violence within communities. This practice preys on the innocence and vulnerability of young individuals, exposing them to severe violence and psychological trauma. By stripping away their childhood, these children are thrust into a world of conflict, often compelled to engage in acts of violence that they cannot fully understand. De Silva (2001) characterizes child soldiers as victims of adult exploitation and manipulation, highlighting the urgent need for protective measures through child welfare legislation.
The recruitment of child soldiers represents a profound collective trauma that reverberates through communities and nations, leaving indelible scars on both individuals and society as a whole (Somasundaram, 2002). This phenomenon not only strips children of their innocence and childhood but also disrupts familial structures and social cohesion, as families are torn apart and communities are left to grapple with the aftermath of violence and loss. Moreover, the normalization of violence and militarization within a society can perpetuate cycles of conflict, as these former child soldiers may struggle to reintegrate into civilian life, facing stigma and a lack of support. As a result, the collective trauma extends beyond the immediate victims, affecting future generations and hindering the prospects for peace and reconciliation in war-torn regions.
Rehabilitating child soldiers in Sri Lanka necessitates a thorough and multifaceted strategy that addresses their psychological, social, and educational requirements (Thoradeniya, 2017). Central to this effort is the provision of trauma-informed care that acknowledges the distinct experiences of these children, many of whom have been exposed to or involved in violence. This can be facilitated through counseling and therapeutic initiatives aimed at promoting emotional recovery and resilience. Furthermore, establishing safe and nurturing environments is vital, which involves reintegrating these children into their communities and ensuring they have access to familial support systems. De Silva, H. (2003) emphasizes the importance of a holistic, family-centred approach that prioritizes de-stigmatization, emotional healing, and the accountability of adult recruiters.
Educational initiatives play a vital role in rehabilitation, as they not only equip these children with essential skills for their future but also help restore a sense of normalcy and purpose (Jayatunge & Somasundaram, 2014). Vocational training programs can further empower them by providing practical skills that enhance their employability. Collaboration with local communities, non-governmental organizations, and government agencies is necessary to create a sustainable framework for rehabilitation, ensuring that these children are not only reintegrated but also supported in their journey towards a peaceful and productive life.
The rehabilitation of child soldiers in Sri Lanka holds significant importance for both the individuals involved and the broader society. These children, often forcibly recruited into armed conflict, endure profound psychological and physical trauma that can hinder their development and reintegration into civilian life. Effective rehabilitation programs are essential to address their unique needs, providing them with psychological support, education, and vocational training. By facilitating their healing and reintegration, society not only aids in restoring the lives of these young individuals but also contributes to long-term peace and stability in the region. Furthermore, successful rehabilitation can help break the cycle of violence, as these children, once rehabilitated, can become advocates for peace and reconciliation, fostering a more harmonious community. Thus, the importance of rehabilitating child soldiers extends beyond individual recovery; it is a crucial step towards building a more resilient and peaceful society in Sri Lanka.
References
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