Professor Harendra de Silva & Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge
Since the JVP uprising in 1971, Sri Lanka has faced the alarming issue of child soldiers, a situation that escalated notably during the 1988-1989 revolt. These young recruits, referred to as the "Rathu Gatv" or "Red Juveniles," were employed in various roles, including intelligence gathering, transporting explosives, committing arson, and, in some instances, executing civilians (Jayatunge, 2011). The children were exposed to the brutal realities of violence and loss, with reports indicating that over 10,000 were recruited by the JVP during the 1988/89 period of unrest. Tragically, around 2,300 school children are estimated to have lost their lives amidst the chaos of the insurgency (Wickramarathna, 2019).
Reports reveal
that numerous child soldiers associated with the JVP during the uprisings of
1971 and 1988 were exposed to horrific events. Many of these young individuals
were involved in violent acts, including murder, robbery, arson targeting buses
and government buildings, as well as the destruction of transformers and the
organization of school strikes. Those apprehended by security forces often
faced severe torture and intense interrogation.
In Embilipitiya, situated in
the Ratnapura District of Sabaragamuwa Province in Sri Lanka, a group of
schoolchildren went missing amid suspicions of their involvement in
anti-government activities, such as orchestrating protests, setting fire to the
local paper mill, and the murder of a Grama Niladari, or village officer.
In 1971, child
soldiers involved in the uprising were placed in rehabilitation camps, yet
these facilities lacked effective treatment systems and rehabilitation
programs. Similarly, those who were detained in 1988/89 faced inadequate
rehabilitation efforts, as mental health specialists were not present to
provide necessary support. Reports from that time indicate that arrested child
soldiers in both 1971 and 1988/89 experienced sexual abuse at the hands of
prison guards, older inmates, and occasionally security personnel (Munasinghe,
2012). Many of these former child soldiers continue to grapple with their
traumatic experiences, often remaining politically disengaged and attempting to
conceal their painful reminiscences.
The situation
escalated dramatically and alarmingly when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
(LTTE) initiated the recruitment of child soldiers, a move that sparked
widespread outrage from international human rights organizations. This
abhorrent practice involved not only the use of aggressive propaganda to lure
children into their ranks but also the forcible abduction of minors, which
further highlighted the LTTE's disregard for human rights and the welfare of
children.
The organized and
systematic recruitment of child soldiers saw a marked increase after 1987. Following
this period, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) began enlisting
children for combat roles, and by the 1990s, these young recruits constituted a
substantial part of their military strength. Reports from that time indicated
that between 40% and 60% of those killed in combat were minors (Human Rights
Watch, 2004). Despite the LTTE's commitment to cease the recruitment of
underage individuals in 2003, the practice persisted until 2009, with a
significant rise in the number of child soldiers noted during the final phases
of the civil conflict (Human Rights Watch 2008).
UNICEF has
consistently highlighted the LTTE's failure to fulfill several high-level
commitments aimed at ceasing the recruitment of children. In 2004, the
organization reported that the LTTE had enlisted 709 children in 2003, often
while releasing smaller numbers to create a façade of compliance with
international standards. Between 2002 and 2007, UNICEF documented approximately
6,903 cases of child recruitment attributed to the LTTE (UN News,2004).
The
LTTE employed ruthless methods to enlist child soldiers, frequently abducting
them from their families or schools. Throughout the indoctrination process,
placards, billboards, and monuments dedicated to martyrs were erected in
various locations. In Kittu Memorial Children's Park, the see-saws were
equipped with AK-47 replicas, allowing children to engage in simulated combat
with one another. Initially, children were recruited into the
"Baby Brigade". By the 1990s, they were no longer just scouts or
sentries but were integrated into combat roles. The LTTE exploited child
soldiers to carry out attacks on Sinhala civilians in vulnerable villages,
assault Army camps, and gather intelligence.
Children as young as 10 were reportedly used as assassins and suicide
bombers by the LTTE (Amnesty International,2004).
These children
came from impoverished, vulnerable, and marginalized communities, particularly
those identified as lower castes. A significant number hailed from the Eastern
province, Wanni, and Mannar, areas characterized by economic hardship and
social exclusion. One tactic employed to recruit children was the deliberate
obstruction of their access to education, which fostered a sense of insecurity
about their future.
After the defeat
of the LTTE in May 2009, 594 child soldiers, comprising 364 males and 230
females, surrendered to the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. Additionally, evaluations
of LTTE combat fatalities during the 1990s indicated that between 40% and 60%
of those killed in action were children under 18 years old (Human Rights
Watch,2004).
The involvement of
Sri Lankan child soldiers perpetuated a cycle of violence and trauma, as these
young individuals were thrust into the harsh realities of war. Stripped of their
childhood, they faced severe psychological and physical harm, enduring
experiences that would leave lasting scars on their lives.
Socio-economic
deprivation, characterized by poverty and limited access to education or
vocational training, often led children to view joining militant groups as a
viable escape from a dismal future. Additionally, many were driven by a desire
for revenge after experiencing or witnessing abuses such as torture, unlawful
detention, or the loss of family members at the hands of security forces. The
allure of status and perceived glamour associated with militant life, fueled by
propagandized events and public displays of military might, further attracted
young individuals seeking recognition and heroism.
Understanding the
recruitment strategies employed by the JVP and the LTTE for enlisting children
in their armed conflicts is crucial. These organizations utilized various
methods to attract young individuals, often exploiting socio-economic
vulnerabilities and political unrest. By appealing to a sense of identity,
belonging, and purpose, they drew children into their ranks, significantly
shaping the dynamics of their respective struggles. Both groups targeted
children, often luring them with promises of adventure, belonging, and a sense
of purpose in a society marked by turmoil.
The JVP primarily
recruited school children who felt marginalized by the existing social
hierarchy and faced limited economic prospects. In contrast, the LTTE focused
on impoverished, low-caste Tamil families in the Northern and Eastern regions,
highlighting the disparity where children from affluent backgrounds were often
exempt from the front lines, leaving the underprivileged to bear the brunt of
the conflict. The LTTE employed an advanced propaganda strategy, utilizing
videos, school speeches, and public exhibitions of military artifacts to
romanticize martyrdom and foster a "cult of heroes." Both
organizations sought to sever the ties between young individuals and their
traditional family structures, undermining parental authority in the process.
The indoctrination
of child soldiers by the JVP and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)
involved a systematic process that exploited the vulnerabilities of youth in
conflict-ridden environments. Once recruited, these young individuals underwent
rigorous training that not only focused on military tactics but also included
intense ideological conditioning. This indoctrination process was designed to
instill a sense of loyalty and commitment to the cause, often using propaganda
that painted the enemy as a dehumanized other. Psychological manipulation
played a crucial role, as children were frequently exposed to violence and were
made to witness or participate in brutal acts, which desensitized them to the
horrors of the armed conflict.
The psychological
effects of being a child soldier are profound and multifaceted, often leading
to long-lasting trauma that can persist well into adulthood (Betancourt et al.,
2010). These young individuals are
frequently exposed to extreme violence and forced to commit acts that are
contrary to their moral beliefs, which can result in severe guilt, shame, and a
distorted sense of self. The loss of childhood innocence is compounded by the
disruption of familial and social bonds, as many child soldiers are separated
from their families and communities, leading to feelings of isolation and
abandonment. Additionally, the experience of combat and the constant threat of
death can instill deep-seated anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD), manifesting in flashbacks, nightmares, and hyper-vigilance (Wessells,
2006).
The stigma
associated with being a former child soldier can further alienate these
individuals from society, making reintegration into their communities
challenging and often exacerbating feelings of worthlessness and despair.
Overall, the psychological impact of being a child soldier is a complex
interplay of trauma, identity crisis, and social disconnection, necessitating
comprehensive mental health support and rehabilitation to facilitate healing
and reintegration (Sivarajah, 2021).
The recruitment of
children into armed conflicts represents a grave violation of their rights and
constitutes a form of child abuse (de Silva et al., 2001). It undermines their
right to education and development, perpetuating cycles of poverty and violence
within communities. This practice preys on the innocence and vulnerability of
young individuals, exposing them to severe violence and psychological trauma.
By stripping away their childhood, these children are thrust into a world of
conflict, often compelled to engage in acts of violence that they cannot fully
understand. De Silva (2001) characterizes child soldiers as victims of adult
exploitation and manipulation, highlighting the urgent need for protective
measures through child welfare legislation.
The recruitment of
child soldiers represents a profound collective trauma that reverberates
through communities and nations, leaving indelible scars on both individuals
and society as a whole (Somasundaram, 2002). This phenomenon not only strips
children of their innocence and childhood but also disrupts familial structures
and social cohesion, as families are torn apart and communities are left to
grapple with the aftermath of violence and loss. Moreover, the normalization of
violence and militarization within a society can perpetuate cycles of conflict,
as these former child soldiers may struggle to reintegrate into civilian life,
facing stigma and a lack of support. As a result, the collective trauma extends
beyond the immediate victims, affecting future generations and hindering the
prospects for peace and reconciliation in war-torn regions.
Rehabilitating
child soldiers in Sri Lanka necessitates a thorough and multifaceted strategy
that addresses their psychological, social, and educational requirements
(Thoradeniya, 2017). Central to this effort is the provision of trauma-informed
care that acknowledges the distinct experiences of these children, many of whom
have been exposed to or involved in violence. This can be facilitated through
counseling and therapeutic initiatives aimed at promoting emotional recovery
and resilience. Furthermore, establishing safe and nurturing environments is
vital, which involves reintegrating these children into their communities and
ensuring they have access to familial support systems. De Silva, H. (2003)
emphasizes the importance of a holistic, family-centred approach that
prioritizes de-stigmatization, emotional healing, and the accountability of
adult recruiters.
Educational
initiatives play a vital role in rehabilitation, as they not only equip these
children with essential skills for their future but also help restore a sense
of normalcy and purpose (Jayatunge & Somasundaram, 2014). Vocational
training programs can further empower them by providing practical skills that
enhance their employability. Collaboration with local communities,
non-governmental organizations, and government agencies is necessary to create
a sustainable framework for rehabilitation, ensuring that these children are
not only reintegrated but also supported in their journey towards a peaceful and
productive life.
The rehabilitation
of child soldiers in Sri Lanka holds significant importance for both the
individuals involved and the broader society. These children, often forcibly
recruited into armed conflict, endure profound psychological and physical
trauma that can hinder their development and reintegration into civilian life.
Effective rehabilitation programs are essential to address their unique needs,
providing them with psychological support, education, and vocational training.
By facilitating their healing and reintegration, society not only aids in
restoring the lives of these young individuals but also contributes to
long-term peace and stability in the region. Furthermore, successful
rehabilitation can help break the cycle of violence, as these children, once
rehabilitated, can become advocates for peace and reconciliation, fostering a
more harmonious community. Thus, the importance of rehabilitating child
soldiers extends beyond individual recovery; it is a crucial step towards
building a more resilient and peaceful society in Sri Lanka.
References
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Sri Lanka
