Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge
According to UNICEF
(2007), the term child soldier refers to any person under 18 years of age who
is recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity. Under
the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, conscripting, enlisting,
or using children under 15 in hostilities is a war crime.
Paramilitary
groups often target children for recruitment for several reasons. Children are
more malleable and tend to follow orders without question, as their fear
response is less developed than that of adults, leading to a lack of awareness
of danger. This fearlessness makes them more susceptible to manipulation and
indoctrination, as they may not fully understand moral complexities.
Additionally, their smaller size and agility make them ideal candidates for
risky roles such as spies, messengers, or porters, further exploiting their
vulnerabilities.
The emergence of
child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the 1971 uprising
orchestrated by Rohana Wijeweera, a prominent Marxist–Leninist political figure
and the founder of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). These child soldiers were known as "Ratu
Gatav" or the Red Youngsters. These
children committed violent acts in 1971.
In 1971, numerous
child recruits aligned themselves with adult rebels, leading to some committing
atrocities. Noteworthy incidents include a young schoolboy, identified as a red
youngster, who shot and killed a police officer during the attack on the
Kadugannawa police station. Additionally, in the Kegalle district, a
16-year-old child soldier named Jayatissa, a student at Central College in
Tholangamuwa, brutally killed a man named Pabilis, who was suspected of being a
police informant, using a mamoty.
The Second JVP Insurrection took place from 1988 to 1989,
evolving into a protracted "low-intensity" total war over the course
of two years. This conflict tragically involved children, who were
indoctrinated to participate in destructive activities against government
property, engage in looting, and even commit acts of murder. A significant event during this tumultuous
period was the assassination of George Ratnayake, a member of the Lanka
Teachers' Union, who was fatally stabbed by a schoolboy named Saman Kumara
Merusinghe, acting as a child soldier.
During the 30-year
armed conflict in Sri Lanka, from 1983 to 2009, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam (LTTE) employed a significant number of child soldiers, incorporating
them into nearly all facets of their military operations. The Liberation Tigers
of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) utilized a combination of systematic forced conscription,
psychological indoctrination, and socio-economic pressure to recruit children
as young as 11. By 2007, an estimated 6,248 children had been recruited into their
ranks (Macfarlane, 2024).
Velupillai
Prabhakaran, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE),
strategically recruited child soldiers as part of his broader military agenda
during the Sri Lankan civil conflict. This decision was driven by a combination
of factors, including the need for a steady influx of fighters to sustain the
LTTE's operations and the belief that children could be more easily
indoctrinated into the group's ideology. By enlisting minors, Prabhakaran not
only bolstered the ranks of his forces but also deprived these young
individuals of their right to education, effectively trapping them in a cycle
of violence and conflict.
The atrocities
committed by child soldiers within the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)
are deeply troubling and multifaceted. These young individuals, often forcibly
recruited or coerced into service, were involved in various violent acts that
included armed combat, suicide bombings, and other forms of terrorism. The LTTE
utilized these child soldiers not only as combatants but also in support roles,
exposing them to extreme violence and psychological trauma. Reports indicate
that many of these children were trained to carry out brutal attacks against
military and civilian targets. During the peak of the conflict, the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) launched assaults on Sinhala villages, killing
unarmed civilians. The LTTE employed child soldiers to carry out these hateful
acts.
The emergence of
child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be attributed to a complex interplay of
socio-political factors, particularly during the protracted civil conflict that
spanned from 1971 to 2009. The dire socio-economic conditions of conflict-torn
regions, coupled with the breakdown of traditional family structures and the
pervasive violence, created an environment where children were vulnerable to
recruitment. The ideological indoctrination and the promise of belonging to a
cause provided a compelling narrative for many youths, who were often drawn
into the conflict as a means of asserting identity and agency in a landscape
marked by chaos and uncertainty. The normalization of violence and the
militarization of society further entrenched the phenomenon, leading to a
tragic cycle where children were not only recruited but also trained and
utilized in combat roles, perpetuating the cycle of conflict and suffering in
the region.
Somasundaram
(2002) identifies that the motivations for children to become involved in armed
groups can be divided into push and pull factors. Push factors include
traumatic experiences such as witnessing the deaths of family members, the
destruction of their homes, forced displacement, economic hardships, political
oppression, and various forms of harassment. These elements create a compelling
environment that drives children toward joining such groups.
Child soldiers
endure profound and often enduring psychological challenges stemming from their
repeated exposure to trauma. The prevalence of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
(PTSD) among these individuals is alarmingly high, primarily due to their
harrowing experiences in warfare, which include combat, abuse, loss, and
coerced violence. As a result, they frequently exhibit symptoms such as
flashbacks, anxiety, depression, and various physical manifestations of
distress. As indicated by Singh
(2004), child soldiers endure a meaningless cycle of fear and violence.
Depression in child soldiers is a highly prevalent condition.
Many
former child soldiers remain trapped by "dreaded combat memories,"
suffering from severe depression, adjustment disorders, and somatization. Denov
(2022) argues that child soldiers are prone to suffer from moral injury, a form
of psychological distress not fully captured by traditional PTSD frameworks.
The use of child
soldiers in Sri Lanka has led to profound social repercussions that can endure
for many years following the cessation of conflict. This phenomenon has not
only inflicted severe personal trauma on the children involved but has also
contributed to broader societal challenges, including the erosion of community resilience.
The integration of these young individuals into armed groups disrupts familial
structures and social networks, leading to a breakdown in trust and cohesion
within communities. As these children return to civilian life, they often face
stigmatization and isolation, which further complicates their reintegration and
hinders collective healing processes. The long-term effects manifest in various
forms, such as increased violence, mental health issues, and a diminished
capacity for social cooperation, ultimately stunting the community's ability to
recover and thrive in the aftermath of conflict.
Addressing the
psychological wounds of former child soldiers in Sri Lanka requires a
multifaceted approach that encompasses trauma-informed care, community
reintegration, and ongoing support systems. First and foremost, it is essential
to provide specialized psychological counselling that acknowledges the unique
experiences of these individuals, including exposure to violence, loss, and
displacement. Therapeutic interventions should be tailored to meet the specific
needs of each child, utilizing evidence-based practices such as
cognitive-behavioural therapy and art therapy, which can facilitate emotional
expression and healing. Additionally, community engagement plays a crucial role
in the reintegration process; fostering a supportive environment where former child
soldiers can reconnect with their families and peers is vital for rebuilding
trust and a sense of belonging. Furthermore, establishing educational and
vocational training programs can empower these young individuals, equipping
them with skills that promote self-sufficiency and resilience. Finally, ongoing
support from mental health professionals, social workers, and community leaders
is necessary to ensure that these children continue to receive the care they
need as they navigate the complexities of their recovery journey. By
implementing a comprehensive strategy that addresses both psychological and
social dimensions, Sri Lanka can pave the way for the healing and reintegration
of former child soldiers into society.
References
Denov M. Encountering children and child soldiers during
military deployments: the impact and implications for moral injury. Eur J
Psychotraumatol. 2022 Aug 11;13(2):2104007. doi: 10.1080/20008066.2022.2104007.
PMID: 35979504; PMCID: PMC9377244.
Macfarlane, K
(2024). Protection gaps: child soldier rehabilitation and militarized
governance in Sri Lanka Open Access International Affairs, Volume 100, Issue 3,
May 2024, Pages 1131–1147,
Singh S. Post-traumatic stress in former Ugandan child
soldiers. Lancet. 2004 May 15;363(9421):1648. doi:
10.1016/S0140-6736(04)16217-X. PMID: 15145645.
Somasundaram D.
Child soldiers: understanding the context. BMJ. 2002 May 25;324(7348):1268-71.
doi: 10.1136/bmj.324.7348.1268. PMID: 12028985; PMCID: PMC1123221.
UNICEF. (2007).
The Paris Principles: Principles and guidelines on children associated with
armed forces or armed groups. www.unicef.orgA
