Tuesday, November 4, 2025

විල්ෆ්‍රඩ් රංජිත් පීරිස් හෙවත් කෑගල්ලේ පීරිස්





2009 වසරේදී 71   කැරැල්ලේ අත්දැකීම් පිළිබඳව විල්ෆ්‍රඩ් රංජිත් පීරිස් හෙවත් කෑගල්ලේ පීරිස්  මා හට සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාවක් දුන්නේය​. එහිදී ඔහු මෙසේ පවසයි. ............................" බෝගම්බර සිර ගෙදර සිට මාව අම්පාරේ දඩයම්තලාව ප්‍රදේශයේ අත්අඩංගුවට පත් අවුරුදු 18 අඩු කැරලිකරුවන් සඳහා පවත්වාගෙන ගිය සිර කඳවුරකට ගෙන ගියා. මෙහි පහසුකම් පවා හොඳයි. ක්‍රීඩා කිරීමට පවා ඉඩ පහසුකම් සපයා තිබුනා. 


මේ කඳවුරේ සිටියදි මම පළා යාම සඳහා උපක්‍රම අධ්‍යයන කළා. මගෙ සහායට ජයතිලක හා කරුණාදාස එකතු වීම වඩාත් පහසුවක් වූ බව කිව යුතුයි. ජයතිලක කැරැල්ල අවස්ථාවේ දී පබ්ලිස් නම් සිවිල් පුද්ගලයා ඝාතනය කිරීමට හවුල් නිසා ඔහුට මෙම කඳවුරින් පැන යාමට තිබුනෙ විශාල උවමනාවක්. එම නිසා එක් රාත්‍රියක අපි තිදෙනා සිරකඳවුරේ මරුවැල පොටක් ආසන්නට ගියහොත් වෙඩි තැබීමට බලය දී තිඛෙන කම්බි හරහා ගොස් කඳවුර අසල වන ලැහැබේ සැඟවී සිටියා.


මුලූ දහවල හා හවස් වරුවේ අපි සැඟවී සිටියේ ඒ කුඩා වන රොදේ. හවස අඳුර සමග අපි ගම හරහා ගමන් කළා. ගැමියන් අප ලූහුබැඳ ඒම නිසා කරුණාදාස අපේ කන්ඩායමෙන් මඟ හැරීම මට විශාල ගැටළුවක් උනේ කරුණාදාසට බාහිර සබඳතා ගනණාවක්ම තිබ්බ නිසයි.


අන්තිමට මම හා ජයතිලක අම්පාරේ සිට ධාවනය වූ ගෝනාගොල්ල බස් රථයට නැග්ගා. උහන නගරයේ පිහිටි මගේ නැන්දා කෙනෙකුගේ ගෙදරකට යාම තමයි මගේ අදහස වුයේ නැන්දාගෙන් මග වියදමට මුදල් ලබා ගත් මා ජයතිලක සමග මිණිපේ ඔහුගේ ඥාතියෙකුගේ ගෙදර ගියා. එහි දවසක් පමණ ගත කල අපි යළි මහනුවරට පැමිනියේ කරුණාදාසගේ ගෙදරට යාමටයි.

 

ගම්මානයේදි අපි දෙන්නාගෙන් දුරස් වූ කරුණාදාස වෙනත් පාරකින් පැන ගොස් තිබ්බා. ඔහුව හමුවූ පසු මම යළි දෙමව්පියන් බැලීිමට ගෙදර ගියා. මා දැකීමෙන් දෙමාපියන් සතුටු උනත් මොහොතකදි ඒ සතුට භීතියක් බවට පරිවර්තනය උනේ මා පසු පස පොලිසිය හා හමුදාව ලූහු බදින නිසා. එබැවින් මම වැඩි වෙලාවක් ගෙදර ගත කලේ නැහැ. සමාජයෙන් හා තමන් හදා වඩාගත් දෙමාපියන්ගෙන් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප වීමට බල කෙරුණු මම තීරණය කළා කාගම අවසන් නොකරපු ඉලක්කය, ඒ විල්පත්තු ගමනට යළි යන්නට. මෙවර මම එහි යන්නේ නිරායුධ වෙස් වලාගත් කැරලිකරුවකු ලෙස.


මම හා ජයතිලක පොල්ගහවෙලට ගියේ ගනේවත්තට යාමටයි. ඒත් අපිට වැඩි දුරක් යන්නට ලැබුනේ නැහැ පොල්ගහවෙල පොලිසිය අපිව අත්අඩංගුවට ගත්තා. මෙවර අපිව දැම්මේ මඩකලපු බන්ධනාගාරයට. ඒ බන්ධනාගාරයේ ෙජ්ලර්වරයෙක් හිටියා සාතන් වගේ ඔහු පරපීඩකයෙක් පහර දෙන විට සිරකරුවන් නඟන ලතෝනිය ඇසීමෙන් ඔහු විශාල වින්දනයක් ලැබුවා. අපිව මඩකලපුව බන්ධනාගාරේ රඳවා තිබුනෙ මාසයක් වගේ කාලයක්. මේ කාලය තුලදි මේ පරපීඩක නිලධාරියා අපට හිතේ හැටියට පහර දුන්නා. වරක් ඔහු අපේ ගුද මාර්ග වලට බටන් පොළු එබුව නිසා දින ගණනක් නොකඩවා රුධිර වහනය උනා. අපි වැසිකිලි ගියේ වේදනාවෙන් මිරිකෙමින්.






මිහිඳු හාමුදුරුවො මිහින්තලේට නැතුව රජයේ කන්තෝරුවකට වැඩිය නම්.....

 



සික්කා : කවුද කවුද ඔය ; පැත්තකට වෙන්ඩ.

මිහිඳු හිමි  ; පින්වත මම මිහිඳු  ; බුදු දහම රැගෙන දඹදිවෙන් ආවා

සික්කා ; ඒවා අපි දන්නේ නෑ ; ලොකු සර් බලන්න ඇපොයින්මන්ට් දාලා නම් ඇතුලට යන්ඩ.

ක.ක.ස.නි; මේ මහත්තයා කවුද ? දැකලා පුරුදුයි

මිහිඳු හිමි  ; පින්වත මම මිහිඳු  ; බුදු දහම රැගෙන දඹදිවෙන් ආවා.

ක.ක.ස.නි; එහෙමද ? යමුද තේ එකක් බීලා ෂියේට් එකක් ඇදලා එන්න. කන්තෝරුවේ අය තාම ඇවිත් නෑ. බිල ගෙව්වොත් මම කන්තෝරුව ඇතුලට දාලා ඇපොයින්මන්ට් එක අරගෙන දෙන්නම්.
 
ලිපිකරු ; කවුද ඔය කට්ටියක් එක්ක ඉන්නේ ? දොරකොට අවහිර කරන්ඩ එපා. කියන දේ අහන්ඩ. මොකක්කද ඕනේ

මිහිඳු හිමි  ; පින්වත මම මිහිඳු  ; බුදු දහම රැගෙන දඹදිවෙන් ආවා

ලිපිකරු ; කෝ ඇපොයින්මන්ට් ලෙටර් එක ගෙනාවද ? මුලින්ම ගිහින් අර මිස් හම්බුවෙන්ඩ.

මිස්;  අනික් අය අතන වාඩිවෙලා ඉන්න. ඉල්ලුම්කරු විතරක් මෙතෙන්ට එන්න. කෝ ලියකියවිලි දෙන්න.

 මිහිඳු හිමි  ; පින්වතිය මම මිහිඳු  ; බුදු දහම රැගෙන දඹදිවෙන් ආවා

මිස් ; (දුරකථනය අතට ගෙන ප්‍රධාන ලිපිකරුට)  සී සී මහත්තයා කවුද කට්ටියක් ඇවිල්ලා ඇවිල්ලා මොනවදෝ ගෙනල්ලලු. අද බඩු බාර ගන්න කරවිට මහත්තයත් ඇවිල්ලා නෑ. ඉන්වෙන්ට්‍රියට තමයි දාන්න වෙන්නේ.

ප්‍රධාන ලිපිකරු ; (කලිසම ඉහලට ඇද ගනිමින් පැමිනේ) ; මොකක්ද කාරනේ කිව්වේ ?

මිහිඳු හිමි  ; පින්වත මම මිහිඳු  ; බුදු දහම රැගෙන දඹදිවෙන් ආවා

ප්‍රධාන ලිපිකරු : දඹදිවෙන් ආවා?  අයි.ඩී කොපියයි පාස්පෝට් කොපියයි මේ මිස්ට දෙන්න, හැබැයි ජේ.පී කෙනෙක් සහතික කරන්න ඕනේ. එලියේ තියන මස් කඩය කරන නනා ජේපී කෙනෙක්. අයි.ඩී එකෙයි පාස්පෝට් එකෙයි පොටෝ කොපි අර හන්දියේ තියන කමියුනිකේෂන් එකෙන් අරගෙන නානට කියලා සහතික කරගෙන ගේන්ඩ. හෙට එන්ඩ. අද ලොකු මහත්තයා නෑ.

මිහිඳු හිමි ; (තම පිරිස අමතමින් ) අපි මාලදිවයිනට වඩිමු 

Monday, November 3, 2025

A Study on Combat-Related PTSD Among Sri Lankan Army Personnel

 



Dr. Neil J Fernando / Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge

Abstract

From 1983 to 2009, the Sri Lankan Army engaged in an extended conflict known as the Eelam War, which saw a significant number of soldiers deployed in combat zones for prolonged periods. This relentless exposure to warfare led to a considerable incidence of combat stress among the troops. It was crucial to examine the effects of combat trauma on soldiers. Between March 2002 and December 2006, a clinical study was conducted involving 824 Army personnel who were referred to the psychiatric unit at the military hospital in Colombo due to various battle-related physical and psychological issues, as well as disciplinary infractions.  Each soldier underwent a structured face-to-face interview conducted by the Consultant Psychiatrist of the Sri Lanka Army, utilizing the PTSD Check List based on the DSM-IV criteria. The assessment focused on their combat experiences, personal circumstances, and current mental health status. Out of the 824 servicemen evaluated, 56 were diagnosed with full-blown Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), while an additional 6 exhibited partial PTSD symptoms. Those suffering from PTSD faced numerous psychosocial challenges that adversely impacted their military performance, family relationships, and social dynamics. The identified issues included low life satisfaction, a suboptimal state of physical well-being, diminished motivation, suicidal thoughts, substance abuse, social isolation and instances of domestic violence. To address these complex problems, affected combatants received a combination of pharmacological treatment and psychological therapies aimed at alleviating their symptoms and improving their overall well-being.

  

Key Words: Sri Lankan Army Servicemen, Eelam War, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder


Introduction

The protracted armed conflict in Sri Lanka, lasting three decades, has given rise to a new cohort of veterans who are increasingly vulnerable to chronic mental health issues stemming from their extensive exposure to warfare. Over 100,000 personnel from the Sri Lanka Army experienced combat situations, either directly or indirectly, during this tumultuous period. Many of these soldiers faced traumatic events that are far beyond the realm of typical human experience, including enduring life in a war-torn environment, fear stemming from threats of enemy assaults, witnessing the deaths and injuries of fellow soldiers, handling human remains, and hearing the desperate cries of the wounded, all while feeling powerless to provide assistance. Such harrowing experiences have profoundly altered their psychological well-being.

As the conflict escalated, particularly during the Eelam War, the Sri Lankan military engaged in nearly 20 major military operations against insurgents from 1987 to 2009, deploying its full combat strength for over 25 years. The culmination of this conflict came in May 2009, when the Sri Lankan government announced a decisive victory over the LTTE, or the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. However, this military success was accompanied by substantial social repercussions, as both combatants and civilians continue to grapple with the psychological aftermath of the war. A considerable number of soldiers have been diagnosed with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), highlighting the enduring impact of combat trauma on their lives.

 

The Sri Lankan Armed Conflict

The armed conflict in Sri Lanka was distinct from other global conflicts, characterized by its specific dynamics and underlying issues. This protracted struggle primarily involved the Sri Lankan government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a rebel group advocating for racial separation. Initially marked by small-scale guerrilla attacks, the conflict escalated into a full-scale war that predominantly affected the northern regions of the island. From 1976 until its end in 2009, the LTTE executed numerous assaults on both military and civilian targets, resulting in significant casualties and injuries. The group gained notoriety as one of the most formidable terrorist organizations worldwide, leading to its designation as a banned entity in several countries, including the United Kingdom, the United States, India, and Canada.

Employing modern weaponry and unconventional tactics, such as the use of child soldiers and suicide bombers, the LTTE posed a considerable challenge to the Sri Lankan military, which was compelled to mobilize its entire force for nearly three decades. The conflict, known as the Eelam War, became one of the longest-running conflicts in contemporary history. The war left behind a legacy of profound psychological trauma, manifesting as paralyzing anxiety, grief, and hopelessness among the affected populations. The Eelam War also resulted in a significant number of soldiers suffering from combat-related stress, yet the psychological impact on these combatants has received minimal attention. Tragically, the mental scars inflicted by the conflict have not been adequately addressed, and the lingering effects of combat trauma continue to haunt those who served.

 

Methodology

This research was carried out by the Visiting Psychiatrist of the Sri Lanka Army, with the approval of the Medical Advisor of the Sri Lanka Army Medical Corps. Spanning from March 2002 to December 2006, the study involved a thorough screening of 824 Sri Lankan Army personnel from infantry and service units who were referred to the Psychiatric Ward at the Military Hospital following various stress-related symptoms and disciplinary infractions. Notably, this investigation took place while the soldiers remained on active duty. The participants were primarily referred by medical officers from the outpatient department, as well as consultants from both medical and surgical units at Palaly Military Hospital, Victory Army Hospital in Anuradhapura, Colombo, Panagoda and various other military healthcare facilities.

The servicemen exhibited a range of psychological issues, including behavioural disturbances, psychosomatic disorders, symptoms of depression and anxiety, self-harm tendencies, suicide attempts, substance abuse, and stress-related misconduct. The sample comprised 824 individuals, predominantly male (806), with a small female representation (18). Throughout the study, strict client safety protocols were adhered to, ensuring that informed consent was obtained and that the anonymity of participants was maintained. Each soldier underwent a structured face-to-face interview utilizing the PCL-4 (PTSD Checklist for DSM-4) is based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV), which was published in 1994.  (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). This assessment tool was adapted from similar trauma questionnaires employed globally to effectively identify cases of PTSD.

  

Results


Study results among the Sri Lankan Army soldiers and officers were as follows:
The PTSD rate was 6.7% following analysis of the questionnaire from 824 combatants.

PTSD Full criteria 56   / Partial PTSD 6

The level of exposure to combat was notably higher for individuals deployed in the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka. Consequently, a significant proportion of participants in the study exhibited responses that met the criteria for major depression, generalized anxiety disorder, or post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) after their service in these areas.

Among the 824 Sri Lankan combatants assessed, 135 individuals, representing 16.38%, were diagnosed with Adjustment Disorder. Additionally, 129 combatants, or 15.65%, were found to have Depressive Disorder. The study also identified 78 individuals, accounting for 9.46%, with various psychiatric conditions, including Schizophrenia, Bipolar Affective Disorder, and Acute Transient Psychotic Disorder. Furthermore, 65 combatants, or 7.88%, were diagnosed with Somatoform Disorder, while 89 individuals, representing 10.8%, were identified with Dissociative Disorder. The assessment revealed that 27 combatants, or 3.27%, suffered from Traumatic Brain Injury, and 29 individuals, accounting for 3.51%, were diagnosed with Alcohol Abuse and Dependence, as well as Substance Abuse Disorder.  

The combatants with full-blown symptoms of PTSD were found to have with following associations:

Those who have served in the operational areas (for more than 3 years)

 

    45

Sustained grievous injuries –

    15

Sustained non-grievous injuries –

    22

Witnessed Killing-

    49

Past attempted suicides-

    17

Experienced childhood trauma

    30


Research indicates that the experience of active combat can significantly contribute to the development of stress-related disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), among those who have participated in such intense and often life-threatening situations. The psychological impact of engaging in combat is profound, as individuals are frequently exposed to traumatic events that can overwhelm their coping mechanisms. This exposure not only affects their mental health during and immediately after their service but can also lead to long-term psychological challenges. The symptoms associated with PTSD, such as flashbacks, severe anxiety, and emotional numbness, can severely disrupt the lives of combatants, making it essential to understand the relationship between combat exposure.


Discussion

The recognition of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as a distinct diagnostic category emerged with the publication of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-III), largely influenced by the clinical observations of Vietnamese war veterans (Dadic-Hero et al., 2009). In contrast, despite the onset of the Sri Lankan armed conflict in the early 1980s, PTSD remained largely unacknowledged as a significant mental health issue affecting soldiers for an extended period (Jayatunge, 2014).

This study represents the first investigation into combat-related PTSD within the Sri Lankan context, offering a foundational understanding of the psychosocial challenges faced by combatants involved in the Eelam War. Notably, the research was conducted while many of these individuals were still actively serving in the military, underscoring its relevance and timeliness. Structured interviews were carried out in the Sinhalese language, allowing for a comprehensive assessment of each combatant's military deployment history. In certain instances, the study also involved discussions with commanding officers and family members, ensuring that cultural dimensions of trauma were adequately addressed.

The prevalence of PTSD within military populations is well-documented, attributed to the high frequency and nature of traumatic experiences encountered in combat zones (Romanoff, 2006). Research by Clancy et al. (2006) indicates that factors such as age, extensive combat exposure, and both pre- and post-military traumas contribute to heightened PTSD symptoms.

Sri Lankan combatants experienced prolonged exposure to combat, surpassing the durations faced by veterans of World War II, Vietnam, Korea, and the Gulf War. As a result, a significant number of these soldiers have developed PTSD and other trauma-related mental health disorders, with many cases remaining undiagnosed.

Combat exposure significantly alters the psychological landscape of military personnel. Those who have faced the traumas of war are particularly vulnerable to developing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), as highlighted by Friedman et al. (1994). Research by Collie and colleagues (2006) suggests that nearly 30% of individuals who have served in combat zones may experience PTSD. Furthermore, combatants often grapple with a range of mental health issues, including depression, traumatic brain injury, and substance abuse, as noted by Kane et al. (2013). Gaylord (2006) emphasizes that combat veterans are susceptible to the adverse effects associated with deployment. The current study reveals that a striking 80.35% of combatants diagnosed with PTSD had spent over three years in combat zones, indicating that the length of exposure to combat is a significant risk factor for developing this debilitating condition. 

In addition to the challenges faced by combat veterans, the prevalence of PTSD is also notably high among adult survivors of childhood trauma, including sexual and physical abuse. Research conducted by Ehring and colleagues (2014) underscores that early adversities, such as emotional neglect, parental loss, and abuse, are critical risk factors for the emergence of various psychiatric disorders in adulthood, including PTSD, as supported by findings from Anda et al. (2006) and Burri et al. (2013). The current study further reveals that 53.57% of soldiers diagnosed with PTSD reported having endured adverse childhood experiences, such as physical and sexual abuse, neglect, and the loss of parental figures, highlighting the profound impact of early trauma on mental health outcomes in later life.

The National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study, which took place between 1986 and 1988, revealed that the lifetime prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among Vietnam veterans was 31% for men and 27% for women, with current prevalence rates at 15% and 9%, respectively, according to the Department of Veterans Affairs (2007). In contrast, the estimated rates of PTSD among veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts are approximately 11% and 18%, respectively, although these figures are believed to be underreported (Hoge et al., 2004; Nacasch et al., 2010).

A recent investigation into Sri Lankan combatants shows a significantly lower rate of PTSD, recorded at 6.7%, compared to veterans from Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. This difference may be due to various cultural and religious influences that serve as protective factors against developing PTSD. These elements not only provide solace but also help in finding meaning in traumatic experiences and encourage quicker post-traumatic growth and recovery after trauma. However, it is important to note that the sample in this study was not randomly selected; rather, it consisted of individuals who were referred for treatment and psychological evaluations. Consequently, the findings may not accurately represent the broader reality of combat trauma within the Sri Lanka Army, suggesting that the actual prevalence of PTSD could be significantly higher, with rough estimates indicating rates between 12% and 16% among soldiers.

In this research, six soldiers were identified as having partial PTSD. The term "partial PTSD" is used in the literature to describe individuals who do not fully meet the diagnostic criteria for PTSD but still exhibit significant symptoms (Kulka, Schlenger, & Fairbank, 1990; Gudmundsdottir & Beck, 2004). Stein and colleagues (1997) note that those with partial PTSD may be missing one or two of the three necessary avoidance or numbing symptoms, as well as one of the two required hyperarousal symptoms. Breslau, Lucia, and Davis (2004) emphasize that PTSD is typically associated with the most severely affected trauma victims, who can be clearly differentiated from those with subthreshold PTSD. However, Dickstein et al. (2013) point out that individuals exhibiting subthreshold PTSD symptoms are at an elevated risk for psychological and functional impairments, including a higher likelihood of suicidal thoughts.

Among the six Sri Lankan soldiers diagnosed with partial PTSD, significant functional impairments were evident, manifesting as difficulties in marital relationships, parenting, and overall quality of life.  Sri Lankan soldiers returning from war encounter a range of psychosocial challenges. Pearrow and Cosgrove (2009) highlight that veterans often experience heightened stress levels due to combat and the associated traumatic events, which can severely disrupt their functioning both during active duty and upon reintegration into civilian life. This pattern was similarly observed in Sri Lankan soldiers suffering from PTSD, who displayed various work-related and psychosocial dysfunctions. Issues such as domestic violence, substance abuse, suicide attempts, and self-harm were prevalent among these individuals. The symptoms stemming from combat trauma significantly affected their marital relationships, vocational stability, and social interactions, underscoring the profound impact of their experiences on their daily lives.

Individuals diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) often experience a range of comorbid psychiatric conditions, including depression, various anxiety disorders, and issues related to alcohol or substance abuse and dependence, as noted by Friedman et al. (1994). The presence of these comorbid disorders can significantly hinder both the prognosis and treatment outcomes for those suffering from PTSD, as highlighted by Abram et al. (2013). Epidemiological studies reveal that a considerable majority of individuals with PTSD also fulfill the criteria for at least one additional psychiatric disorder, with a notable portion having three or more such diagnoses (Brady, 2000). In Sri Lanka, combatants with PTSD have been observed to frequently present with other psychiatric issues, including depression, substance use disorders, and, in some cases, psychosis. 

The primary approaches to treating PTSD encompass both psychotherapy and pharmacological interventions. Current guidelines advocate for psychotherapy to be the first-line treatment for PTSD (National Collaborating Centre for Mental Health, 2005). Among the medications commonly prescribed, antidepressants, particularly selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), have been widely utilized (Davidson, 2000; Davidson & Connor, 1999; Cukor et al., 2009). Notable therapeutic interventions identified by Spinazzola, Blaustein, and van der Kolk (2005) include prolonged exposure therapy, cognitive processing therapy, cognitive restructuring, and eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR), all of which have shown efficacy in treating PTSD. 

In Sri Lanka, combatants suffering from PTSD receive a combination of pharmacological treatments, such as antidepressants, mood stabilizers, antipsychotics, and pain relievers, alongside various psychotherapeutic approaches, including Cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT), EMDR, and Rogerian therapy. The pharmacological treatments aim to alleviate acute PTSD symptoms and improve sleep quality. Rogerian Person-Centred Therapy provides a supportive environment for combatants to express and process their repressed negative emotions, while Cognitive Behavioral Therapy has been effective in enhancing their social functioning. A study conducted in 2005 involving eighteen Sri Lankan combatants treated with EMDR revealed that twelve participants experienced significant clinical improvement after just five to six sessions of this therapy.

Among the traditional therapies, Thovilaya has been identified as a conventional healing method. It is a form of psychodrama geared to heal the patient as well as his environment. Spiritual therapy also plays a vital role in treating soldiers with combat trauma. Spiritual therapy, especially Buddhist psychotherapy, helps the war victims to find meaning and achieve post-traumatic growth.

In Sri Lanka, a considerable number of former combatants have reintegrated into civilian life without undergoing any prior screening, leading to various readjustment challenges. The psychosocial rehabilitation of these war veterans has been acknowledged as an essential aspect of recovery in the country. To effectively meet the diverse needs of combatants affected by the war, a comprehensive array of interventions is necessary, encompassing social, educational, occupational, behavioural, and cognitive strategies.

  

Conclusion

This study marks the first investigation into combat-related posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in Sri Lanka, focusing specifically on soldiers from the Sri Lankan Army who served during the Eelam War. A total of 824 soldiers were subjected to clinical interviews utilizing the PTSD Checklist for DSM-4, which identified 56 individuals exhibiting full-blown PTSD symptoms. The findings underscore the emergence of combat-related PTSD as a pressing mental health concern for these veterans. Those grappling with the aftermath of war-related trauma encounter significant difficulties across various facets of their lives, including personal relationships, job performance, and social engagements. The long-term effects of such trauma have profoundly impacted their mental health and overall functionality. To effectively address and alleviate the consequences of combat trauma in Sri Lanka, it is imperative to implement targeted interventions. Additionally, further research is crucial to thoroughly assess the extent of combat-related trauma among these veterans, ensuring they receive the essential psychosocial support and treatment necessary for their recovery.

  

Acknowledgments


1)     Gen (Dr) Dudley Perera – The former Medical Advisor -Sri Lanka Army Medical Corps

2)     Gen (Dr) Sanjeewa Munasinghe – Colonel Commandant of the Sri Lanka Army Medical Corps



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Rohana Wijeweera - A Multifaceted Politician

 


 

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D., PhD 

Rohana Wijeweera was the founder and leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), or People's Liberation Front, a Marxist-Leninist, extreme-left Sinhalese nationalist political party in Sri Lanka. Wijeweera significantly transformed the political landscape of Sri Lanka through a combination of strategic political maneuvering and the use of violence to further his objectives. Wijeweera keenly tapped into the deep-rooted anger and dissatisfaction swirling among the rural, educated caste-oppressed youth who felt marginalized by the elite in the post-independence era. He empowered them with a political voice and outlined a direct, albeit violent, route to confront and rectify the socio-economic disparities they faced. His legacy is defined by two unsuccessful armed uprisings in 1971 and from 1987 to 1989, leading to the loss of tens of thousands of lives and the devastation of properties worth billions of rupees.

Rohana Wijeweera significantly influenced Sri Lankan society, warranting a comprehensive examination from political, psychological, and sociological perspectives. Despite the depth of his impact, there has yet to be a concerted effort by any Sri Lankan university to explore the psychosocial ramifications of Wijeweera's actions and ideologies on the fabric of the nation. This gap in academic inquiry is notable, as understanding the complexities of his role could provide valuable insights into the collective consciousness and social dynamics of Sri Lanka. Analyzing Wijeweera's legacy could illuminate the ways in which his revolutionary ideas and leadership shaped societal attitudes, political movements, and psychological responses among various demographics, thereby enriching the discourse surrounding contemporary Sri Lankan identity and history.

  

Negative Experiences in Early Childhood

Rohana Wijeweera, originally named Patabendi Don Jinadasa Nandasiri Wijeweera, was born in 1943 in a remote area of the Matara district. His early years were filled with considerable financial challenges, and he and his family faced the grim realities of caste discrimination. Growing up in such an environment, his life was significantly shaped by the difficulties of poverty and social marginalization.

A pivotal and traumatic event occurred when Wijeweera was just four years old; his father, Don Andris Wijeweera, (one of the supporters of Dr. S.A. Wickremasinghe, the founder of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka) was brutally attacked by Tamil estate workers in a plantation in the Deniyaya region during the politically charged atmosphere of the 1947 elections, resulting in permanent disability. This incident plunged the family into deeper despair, as Wijeweera's father remained paralyzed until his death in 1965. This tragic event profoundly impacted Wijeweera, leading to a negative transformation in his character and influencing his subsequent actions.

The emotional connection between Wijeweera and his father was profoundly deep, and the violence that disrupted their lives left a lasting impact on him, shaping both his personality and his perspective on the world. From a young age, Wijeweera understood that the world was a dangerous entity and recognized the inherent vulnerabilities. This traumatic incident instilled in him a deep-seated animosity towards the Tamil estate workers, whom he later labelled as an anti-revolutionary element. His resentment did not stop there; it extended to the tea industry as a whole, which he perceived as a significant threat to the ecological balance of Sri Lanka. During the uprisings of 1971 and 1987-88, Wijeweera fervently urged his followers to target tea factories.

  

Hatred Towards Mother

Wijeweera harboured significant resentment towards his mother, Nasinona Wickrama Kaluthota, stemming from his belief that she had inadequately cared for his disabled father. This perception fueled a profound emotional turmoil within him, leading to feelings of anger and disappointment directed at her.  Complex family dynamics fueled this condition.  He frequently voiced his dissatisfaction, openly criticizing her behaviour and decisions regarding their domestic issues. Additionally, Wijeweera felt that his mother exerted excessive control over his life, which further strained their relationship. His use of the term "HATHIRIYAK" (villainess) to refer to her, even in the presence of his followers, underscores the depth of his discontent. The unresolved psychological conflicts Wijeweera experienced in relation to his mother likely contributed to a more ruthless and unsympathetic demeanour. This internal struggle not only shaped his personality but also influenced his interactions with others, reflecting the lasting impact of his familial relationships on his character development.

  

Education at Patrice Lumumba University

After completing his Ordinary Level (O/L) examinations, Wijeweera received a scholarship to pursue a medical degree at Patrice Lumumba University in Moscow, an opportunity facilitated by Dr. S.A. Wickremasinghe. Despite this significant support, Wijeweera harboured reservations about certain members of the Communist Party, often expressing his criticisms openly. His ideological leanings were notably aligned with the Chinese communist system, which he admired for its structure and principles.

In his second year at university, Wijeweera faced significant challenges when he failed his Biochemistry exam, which likely contributed to both physical and emotional fatigue. This overwhelming stress led to his admission to a sanatorium for treatment. During this difficult period, he received the devastating news of his father's passing, prompting him to return to Sri Lanka for the funeral. After the funeral, Wijeweera sought to resume his studies in Moscow; however, his plans were thwarted by a member of the Sri Lanka Communist Party, K.P. Silva, who contacted the Russian embassy in Moscow, urging them to deny Wijeweera a visa, thereby interrupting his pursuit of higher education and altering the course of his academic journey.  (Premapala Hewa Batage, who took part in the 1971 JVP uprising, revealed this information).   

  

Involvement with Shanmugadasan

After the revocation of his scholarship, Wijeweera aligned himself with N. Shanmugadasan's faction of the Ceylon Communist Party, known as the Peking Wing. During his tenure with Shanmugadasan, Wijeweera became increasingly aware of the preferential treatment given to Shanmugadasan's close Tamil associates, who were appointed to significant positions within the party. This favouritism, coupled with his growing discontent over financial misconduct within the organization, fueled Wijeweera's dissatisfaction. As he navigated the political landscape, he began to cultivate a close-knit group of supporters who shared his vision and ideals. As tensions within the party escalated, Wijeweera made the decisive choice to depart from Shanmugadasan's faction, taking with him a loyal group of followers. This pivotal moment led to the establishment of a new political entity, which would come to be known as the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), marking a significant shift in the political dynamics of the time.

 

 Pre-1971

Wijeweera established a clandestine revolutionary organization with the intent of instigating an uprising to seize control of the government. During this pivotal period, young people across the globe were captivated by the revolutionary movements spearheaded by figures such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. The Vietnam War further fueled a wave of anti-imperialist sentiment, resonating deeply with those who felt marginalized and oppressed. In Sri Lanka, this atmosphere of discontent found a receptive audience among the unemployed and impoverished, many of whom lacked land and faced a bleak outlook for their futures. The combination of these global influences and local hardships created a fertile ground for revolutionary ideas, as the youth sought inspiration and hope in the struggles of others fighting against oppression and inequality.

Wijeweera envisioned a swift, one-day revolution, reminiscent of the actions taken by Abeid Amani Karume in Zanzibar, specifically targeting police stations to assert his movement's power. Wijeweera claimed a personal connection to Karume, asserting that they were friends during their time at Lumumba University. However, investigations led by Mr. Zerni Wijesooriya and other CID officials who examined the events surrounding the 1971 uprising revealed no evidence of any correspondence or relationship between Wijeweera and Karume. Furthermore, it was established that Wijeweera did not receive any foreign financial support or weaponry during the uprising. He meticulously selected young individuals from rural areas and university students to join his cause, aiming to galvanize a diverse group of participants for his revolutionary efforts.

  

Using Caste Oppression as a Powerful Catalyst for the Movement

Wijeweera adeptly utilized the caste system to galvanize support for his cause, much like Prabhakaran did. He reached out to unemployed and impoverished youth from rural backgrounds who had been marginalized by caste discrimination. By doing so, he transformed these individuals into a powerful contingent within his movement. In his organization, the term "comrade" was replaced with "Mahatthaya" (Sir) to provide greater recognition and dignity to the youth from oppressed castes. This choice of language reflects a commitment to elevating their status and fostering a sense of respect within the community.   

Wijeweera not only acknowledged their struggles but also instilled a sense of dignity and respect in them, countering the low self-esteem and apprehension that often plagued their lives due to societal caste hierarchies. Through his leadership, he empowered these young people, encouraging them to rise against the state and challenge the societal elites who perpetuated their oppression. This strategic mobilization not only fostered a sense of unity among the disenfranchised but also positioned them as key players in the broader struggle for social justice and equality.

  

Rallying Supporters

Rohana Wijeweera was an exceptional orator whose eloquence captivated a diverse audience, including individuals such as the Oxford-educated Susil Siriwardena, Jayadeva Uyangoda, Gamini Keerawella and Gamini Samaranayake etc. These individuals eventually became professors and established themselves as local intellectuals. However, as they matured, they distanced themselves from Wijeweera's ideology.

University students such as Udeni Bandula, Sarath Wijesinha, Wasantha Dissanayake, and Bola Samare, etc. were drawn to his compelling oratory skills, leading them to abandon their academic studies and become full-timers in his movement. Even females left their homes and families to join Wijeweera, including young women like Kamani Deshapriya, Dhammika De Silva and Sampathi Abeysekara, illustrating his remarkable ability to attract and mobilize followers.

Wijeweera's influence was particularly potent among the youth disillusioned by economic, social, and caste-related challenges, as he adeptly prepared them to embrace violence as a means of resistance. He skillfully built loyal followers who were willing to engage in illegal activities on his behalf, including thefts, bank robberies, and even politically motivated assassinations. Individuals such as Iluk Senaratne, Colvin Jayasinha, Rahula, Kagama Upasena, and Patrick Fernando epitomized those ready to put their lives on the line for his vision. This reality underscores Wijeweera's considerable influence, demonstrating his ability to inspire unwavering commitment and radical action. His manipulative talent matched that of Prabhakaran, who also attracted a significant group of individuals prepared to sacrifice everything for him.


Limited Comprehension of Marxist Theory

Professor Jayadeva Uyangoda and Dr. Wickrama Bahu Karunaratne have noted that Wijeweera's grasp of Marxist theory was not particularly deep, suggesting that his engagement with the subject was somewhat superficial. This limited understanding may have influenced his interpretations and applications of Marxist principles in his political activities. Wijeweera's approach to Marxism lacked the comprehensive analysis and critical engagement that is often necessary for a robust application of its tenets. This deficiency could have led to a misalignment between his ideological beliefs and the foundational concepts of Marxism.

 

Deep Seated Paranoia

Wijeweera exhibited a blend of excessive optimism and deep-seated paranoia, convinced that a significant leftist repression akin to the one experienced in Indonesia would unfold in Sri Lanka by 1970. His apprehensions extended to the belief that the 7th US Navy might launch an invasion of the island nation. In this context, he predicted that the United States would orchestrate the elevation of J.R. Jayewardene to power during the upcoming 1970 election. Wijeweera perceived the Bentota Hotel as a covert American military installation and speculated that the expansion of the Ella-Wellawaya road was intended to facilitate the landing of American warplanes, a notion that instilled considerable fear among his followers.

In 1970, rural youth had limited access to information, relying solely on government media due to a lack of bilingual skills and the absence of the internet. Opportunities for travel abroad were scarce, leaving them with a narrow perspective shaped by the teachings of Wijeweera. He maintained strict control over his followers, discouraging any form of dissent or inquiry. Those who dared to question his ideas and explanations were quickly branded as spies or saboteurs.

He employed the well-known "five classes," a series of Marxist-inspired political lectures that laid the groundwork for the party's ideology. These classes focused on five central themes: The Capitalist Economic Crisis, Sri Lanka's Independence, Indian Expansionism, the Lankan Left Movement, and the Path of the Lankan Revolution. They served as a tool for educating and indoctrinating the youth, although not all content was original to Wijeweera; some ideas were derived from Dr. S.A. Wicramasinha. His erroneous interpretations of economic issues and xenophobic sentiments were evident in these lectures, yet they resonated strongly with the youth, who frantically adopted his socio-political views.

Wijeweera, despite having devoted followers, was deeply skeptical of their intentions and actions, a trait that defined his character. His suspicion often escalated into paranoia, causing him to doubt even those he was closest to. For instance, he viewed Susil Siriwardena, who had travelled to the United States, as a possible CIA agent, and he also accused D.D. Silva of being a CIA informant.


The Uprising  

Wijeweera meticulously orchestrated the uprising, engaging in discreet lectures and encouraging young individuals to join his cause. He urged them to gather weapons and even devised rudimentary homemade explosives, which, despite their limited effectiveness during confrontations, demonstrated his commitment to the movement. Through his efforts, he successfully mobilized a force of approximately 10,000 members for the uprising. However, the movement was plagued by internal divisions, as various factions emerged, with some leaders openly challenging Wijeweera's authority. This fragmentation led to a lack of cohesion, causing the movement to veer in multiple directions, undermining the unified front that Wijeweera had initially sought to establish.  

A few months before the 1971 uprising, Wijeweera was arrested by the Police in Ampara and subsequently transferred to Jaffna prison. During his incarceration, a faction of his supporters launched a series of coordinated assaults on multiple police stations. However, the government's response was swift and severe; the security forces mobilized to suppress the insurrection with overwhelming force, resulting in a brutal crackdown that effectively dismantled the uprising and quelled the unrest.  

Numerous participants expressed a profound sense of betrayal, believing that the leadership had deceived them and provided misleading information regarding their strategic intentions and actual capabilities. This perception of manipulation led some individuals to feel victimized, as they felt exploited by the leadership. Consequently, a significant number of these disillusioned members chose to cooperate with the authorities, directing their frustrations and accusations towards Wijeweera. As a result of this growing discontent, many individuals opted to distance themselves from the movement, with a considerable number formally exiting while still incarcerated.  

  

Interrogations

When Wijeweera was arrested by the police in Hambantota in 1970, he underwent interrogation by Mr. Zerni Wijesuriya, a Criminal Investigation Department officer. Mr. Wijesuriya described Wijeweera as a character marked by pride; however, he also noted that Wijeweera's physical frailty rendered him timid and lacking in resilience when confronted with threats and torment. According to Mr. Wijesuriya, Wijeweera exhibited signs of agitation and fright.  CID officers reported that Wijeweera was relatively easy to break, as he demonstrated a lack of endurance and an inability to withstand both physical pain and psychological pressure.

Subsequently, during interrogations led by CID officers Upali Seneviratne and Anton Jeganathan, Wijeweera provided an extensive written and recorded statement that disclosed the identities of his movement's members. This revelation prompted many of his staunch supporters, including Kalu Lucky, Piyathilaka, Loku Athula, Piyasiri Kularatne, Lakshman Munasinghe, Chuki Premaratne, Income Tax Karu, Bola Samare, Premapala Hewa Batage, Palitha Shamdas, and Somapala Garusinghe, to distance themselves from him. Although Somawansa Amarasinghe initially left Wijeweera after the 1971 rebellion, he later returned with Wijeweera.  

Wijeweera possessed an extraordinary talent for drawing people to him, captivating a diverse array of followers with his charisma and vision. However, despite this initial allure, he struggled to maintain candid relationships with those who rallied around him. As time passed, the lack of meaningful engagement led to disillusionment among his supporters, resulting in many distancing themselves from him. Some of these former allies transformed into vocal critics, expressing their disappointment and challenging his ideologies, which further complicated his ability to sustain loyal supporters.

  

The Denial

The role of Wijeweera in the 1971 rebellion remains a subject of debate among historians and experts. While he is credited with laying the foundational ideas that inspired the uprising, it is important to note that he was incarcerated at the time the rebellion erupted. Consequently, he did not participate in the pivotal decision-making at Sangharama that led to the attack. The actual leaders who engaged directly with security forces during the conflict included figures such as Loku Athula, whose resolve diminished as the fighting progressed. Other notable leaders included Sarath Wijesinghe, who tragically lost his life due to an accidental gunshot, and Milton, who was killed during an assault on the Kadawatha police station. Sanath Boralukatiya was arrested and subsequently killed by the Udugama police after the rebellion's intensity waned, while Bertie Ranjith was apprehended during an attempt to liberate Wijeweera from Jaffna prison.

In a statement made during his trial, Wijeweera distanced himself from the 1971 rebellion, attributing it to a conspiracy orchestrated by Loku Athula, a narrative he consistently shared with his followers from prison. He vehemently denied any involvement in the 71 uprising. However, upon his release and the subsequent re-establishment of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), Wijeweera's stance shifted; he initially maintained that the 1971 rebellion was not his creation. Over time, as the rebellion garnered respect and recognition, he altered his narrative, eventually claiming to be the rightful heir to its legacy.

  

Killings

Rohana Wijeweera did not carry out the killing with his own hands. However, he issued orders that led to numerous murders. His motivations for such actions can be traced back to the political ideology he espoused, which, paradoxically, contrasts with his personal nature. The psychological factors that drove Wijeweera towards endorsing a violent political agenda remain unexplored, though it is plausible that the harsh realities of his childhood and subsequent experiences played a significant role in shaping his worldview.

Under the directives of Wijeweera, death lists were compiled, targeting individuals deemed counter-revolutionary or traitorous. However, during the tumultuous year of 1971, his followers refrained from engaging in widespread massacres, resulting in only a limited number of civilian casualties at the hands of the rebels. This restraint marked a significant contrast to the events that unfolded in 1988 and 1989, when the situation escalated dramatically. During this later period, violence spiralled out of control, transforming killings into a grim political ritual that became emblematic of the era.


Comrades and Traitors  

In the years 1971 and 1988/89, Rohana Wijeweera garnered a loyal following of dedicated members who placed their trust in his leadership and pledged their unwavering support to his cause. However, as time progressed, a rift began to form within the ranks, with some members expressing their discontent and openly criticizing Wijeweera's decisions. This disillusionment became particularly pronounced following the failed uprising in 1971, as many supporters felt let down by Wijeweera's refusal to accept accountability for the movement's shortcomings. Calls for him to acknowledge his errors were met with resistance; Wijeweera chose to expel dissenting voices from his organization, branding them as traitors.   During the second uprising, he incited his remaining supporters to take drastic measures against former comrades who had turned against him. One notable figure was Nandana Marasinha, who had been a steadfast ally in 1971 but later grew disenchanted with the movement and chose to leave. In a tragic turn of events, Marasinha was labelled a traitor and, under Wijeweera's orders, was executed during the second uprising, illustrating the brutal consequences of loyalty and betrayal within the tumultuous landscape of political struggle.

   

Child Soldiers

The emergence of child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the influence of Rohana Wijeweera, who played a pivotal role in their recruitment during the tumultuous period of the 1971 rebellion. Long before Velupillai Prabhakaran was the founder and leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Wijeweera was involved in the recruitment of child soldiers in Sri Lanka. These child soldiers were referred to as “Rathu Gatau” – (Red Youngsters) and often thrust into violent situations, with some even committing acts of murder.

A notable incident involved a 16-year-old school boy named Jayatissa, a student from Tholangamuwa Central College, who infamously killed a police informer named Pabilis by striking him on the head with a mammoty in Kegalle district. Another schoolboy named Kadugannawe Jayathissa, who had been indoctrinated as a child soldier, attacked the Kadugannawa police, resulting in the shooting of a police officer. This tragic event exemplifies the brutal realities faced by child soldiers during this era. The situation escalated during the second JVP rebellion from 1988 to 1989, where child soldiers continued to engage in violent acts, including the arson of buses, destroying transformers and government buildings, further highlighting the devastating impact of armed conflict on the youth of Sri Lanka.

 

  Prabhakaran vs Wijeweera

The primary commonality between Velupillai Prabhakaran and Rohana Wijeweera lies in their steadfast dedication to armed resistance, their intolerance for opposing views, and their brutal application of violence to fulfill their political ambitions. Both figures dismissed the democratic framework, opting instead to forge their movements outside the established political elite, thereby garnering support from marginalized and lower-caste segments within their communities. While both leaders exhibited similarities in their revolutionary fervor, they also displayed notable differences in their ideological frameworks and methods.

Prabhakaran 's approach was deeply rooted in Tamil nationalism, which informed his strategies and objectives. In contrast, Wijeweera, although he espoused Marxist principles, occasionally invoked Sinhala nationalism, caste dynamics, and regional sentiments to rally support. As a guerrilla fighter, Prabhakaran was characterized by his fierce and violent demeanor, demonstrating a high level of military training and proficiency in weaponry. Conversely, Wijeweera, while not lacking in courage, did not possess the same level of combat skills or the capacity for sustained endurance in armed conflict, which set the two leaders apart in their respective revolutionary pursuits.

  

Body Dysmorphic Disorder

Rohana Wijeweera grappled with a negative body image that significantly undermined his self-esteem, particularly due to his noticeable overbite. His friends noted that he often avoided mirrors, reflecting his deep concern about his dental aesthetics and overall appearance, which hindered his ability to form intimate relationships with women during his early years. This lack of confidence led him to steer clear of interactions with girls, highlighting his social struggles. When he founded his movement in the late 1960s, he imposed strict rules on his followers, prohibiting romantic relationships, which may indicate his own unresolved psychological issues. His pronounced buck teeth made him acutely self-conscious, prompting him to seek external validation regarding his looks. This negative self-image not only affected his mental well-being but also contributed to his shy and introverted personality, exacerbating his social challenges. Given these factors, there is considerable evidence to suggest that Wijeweera may have suffered from Body Dysmorphic Disorder.


Posttraumatic Embitterment Disorder

Rohana Wijeweera displayed a variety of psychological reactions to the challenging experiences throughout his life, which may have contributed to his development of what is termed 'posttraumatic embitterment disorder' (PTED). This condition was first articulated by German psychiatrist Michael Linden in 2003, who recognized it as a unique mental health issue stemming from a singular, impactful negative life event. Wijeweera's childhood experiences left him with profound feelings of bitterness, and subsequent psychosocial challenges led him to feel a significant sense of helplessness, as he perceived injustices to be the root cause of his adverse life circumstances. His emotional state was often characterized by social withdrawal and symptoms of depression (According to Mr. Lionel Bopage Wijeweera went into deep melancholia while he was in prison and soon after the 1982 presidential elections), coupled with a yearning for revenge. These manifestations strongly suggest that Wijeweera was affected by PTED. Over the last ten years, PTED has garnered global acknowledgment as a specific subtype of adjustment disorder. Linden notes that individuals afflicted with PTED typically endure deep-seated feelings of embitterment and perceived injustice following the triggering incidents.

 

A Misogynist Turned Philogynist

At the start of his political movement, Wijeweera showed a notable reluctance around women, as noted by his supporters, D.A. Gunasekara and Chandrakka, also known as Chandra Jayanthi Perera. They described that he often delivered lectures while avoiding eye contact, focusing on the ground rather than engaging with his female audience. This behaviour stemmed from his belief that his appearance made him unattractive to women, further compounded by a lack of interest in personal grooming and self-care.

Wijeweera's interactions began to change when Yasoma, the sister of Sisilchandra, and Mali, the daughter of T.D. Silva showed interest in him. This romantic attention created controversy within the JVP politburo, drawing criticism and ridicule from his followers. They mockingly called him MKR, implying that he had become foolishly enamored, as they believed that he had placed undue value on women.

A significant transformation occurred in Wijeweera's personal life during the late 1980s, particularly between 1988 and 1989, when he engaged in relationships with multiple women, including one named Maureen from Chilaw. This marked a stark departure from his earlier misogynistic tendencies, illustrating a profound evolution in his character from a man who shunned female interaction to one who embraced romantic relationships.

  


A Cult Leader

Wijeweera transcended the role of a mere political leader, embodying the characteristics of a cult leader who commanded an unwavering devotion from his followers. Many of these individuals exhibited a fervent loyalty, willing to execute his every command without question, even to the extent of committing acts of violence, including murder, in his name.

Notably, in 1971, a Buddhist monk named Morawak Bhaddiya emerged among his followers, instigating violent actions against those perceived as adversaries within prison walls. Additionally, a group known as Poriyal Hamudava (an assault team) was notorious for its brutal assaults on Wijeweera's opponents. The years 1988 and 1989 saw figures like Agiris Costa and Lionel Ranasinhe carry out killings under Wijeweera's directives, demonstrating a chilling lack of remorse as they executed his orders.

Wijeweera's authoritarian grip on his followers left no space for dissent or debate; he employed manipulative strategies to isolate them, instilling control through fear and the dissemination of misinformation. He even restricted access to certain literature, further solidifying his influence and reinforcing his status as a cult leader rather than a conventional political figure.


Wijeweera - an Anti-Caste Activist

Many individuals regard Wijeweera as a heroic figure who championed the rights of those affected by caste-related oppression. According to them, Wijeweera restored honour and dignity to those affected by caste oppression. They hold Wijeweera in high esteem, often venerating him and respecting him. This admiration is not limited to the general populace; it also permeates educated circles. Despite Wijeweera's mistakes and illogical remarks, he continues to earn the respect of these intellectuals who overlook his flaws.

When Wijeweera is criticized, it often leads to annoyance and confrontational behaviour from supporters, who tend to react with heightened emotions. Kalyana Karunaratne, who was Wijeweera's secretary, authored a book in which he notes that even supporters of the capitalist system, like Ronnie de Mel (who served as the Minister of Finance under President J. R. Jayewardene's government from 1977 to 1988), acknowledged Wijeweera as a guardian of caste rights and held him in high regard. In this context, Wijeweera can be seen as a Sri Lankan counterpart to Ambedkar, championing the cause of those oppressed by caste.

 

 Concluding Thoughts

Rohana Wijeweera's political journey was characterized by a series of significant errors and misjudgments that ultimately culminated in the failure of two major insurrections and a wave of violence across Sri Lanka. He aspired to establish a totalitarian regime reminiscent of North Korea, one that would impose severe restrictions on human rights. His economic strategies proved to be harmful and counterproductive, while his leadership was marked by the brutal elimination of political adversaries and a pervasive atmosphere of xenophobia. In the contemporary political landscape, Wijeweera's ideologies are largely rejected, as evidenced by the current JVP-NPP government in Sri Lanka, which actively distances itself from his principles. Nevertheless, the legacy of Rohana Wijeweera continues to evoke complex emotions; he is simultaneously remembered as a charismatic, anti-establishment figure who challenged systemic injustices and as a ruthless leader whose actions instigated widespread violence and terror. This duality in perception reflects the ongoing struggle to reconcile his vision with the realities of his impact on Sri Lankan society.





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